Robots instead of people: can Ukraine turn the personnel crisis into a technological breakthrough

Ukraine is getting closer to the moment when the conversation about robots stops being futurology and turns into a question of economic survival. Against the backdrop of war, labor shortages, pressure on the labor market, and severe demographic dynamics, automation no longer looks like an expensive whim but as one of the few real answers to the crisis. It’s not just about factories, warehouses, and logistics, but also about the front, where technology has long ceased to be an addition and has become part of the very structure of war.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is especially understandable. Israel also lives in the logic of constant technological adaptation, where security, labor shortages, high labor costs, and competition for efficiency push businesses and the state towards automation faster than in more peaceful countries. That is why the Ukrainian conversation about robotization is interesting not as an exotic, but as an example of how the pressure of war and the economy together launch a new industrial model.

The material underlying this article raises the main question: are robots — including humanoid platforms — capable of at least partially compensating for Ukraine’s shortage of people, reducing the burden on the labor market, and supporting the economy in conditions of prolonged war and demographic decline. The answer is not simple, but quite indicative: yes, robots can help, but not as an instant replacement for humans, but as part of a deep restructuring of the entire labor system.

Why Ukraine finds it increasingly difficult to do without robotization

The labor shortage in Ukraine is felt on several fronts today. People are needed in the army, people are needed in production, people are needed in logistics, trade, repair, agriculture, and many everyday processes. Against this backdrop, the very idea that part of the physical, repetitive, dangerous, or routine work can be transferred to machines stops being a theoretical discussion. It becomes a matter of practical management of the country in a state of war.

At the same time, the Ukrainian robot market cannot yet be called mature. Rather, it is an early stage of the industry, where standards, formats, and the most viable models are being sought. The text emphasizes that the global humanoid robot industry has already moved beyond laboratory demonstrations and is moving towards the first commercial cases, but it is still far from mass household use. This means that Ukraine is entering this race at a time when the rules of the game are not yet fully established.

A robot is not always better than a human, but increasingly more useful in a specific task

One of the key conclusions of the material is that a humanoid robot is not a universal winner over humans in all areas. On the contrary, today such machines are often more complex, more expensive, and less energy-efficient than specialized solutions: drones, robotic arms, mobile platforms, and other systems created for a specific function.

But humanoids have another advantage. They are potentially capable of working in an environment already built for humans: using stairs, interacting with shelves, carts, warehouses, premises, and familiar infrastructure without a complete restructuring of the space. And this is what makes them especially interesting for those industries where a complete replacement of infrastructure is too expensive or almost impossible.

Another important thought is that it’s not so much about displacing people as it is about changing the structure of employment. Robots can cover heavy, monotonous, and physically exhausting work areas, but at the same time create demand for operators, integration engineers, maintenance specialists, management, and training of robotic systems. In other words, jobs do not automatically disappear — they change.

American, Chinese, and Ukrainian models: where is Kyiv’s place in the new industry

On the global market, two forces are particularly noticeable now — the USA and China. American companies set the technological vector through software, artificial intelligence, versatility, and long-term integration of robots into the economy. China focuses on scaling speed, production control, and cost reduction, turning robotics into a more accessible and faster replicable product.

In this structure, Ukraine is assigned not the role of a factory, but the role of an intellectual center. And this is perhaps one of the strongest theses of the entire text. Ukrainian companies and specialists, according to industry interlocutors, are capable of occupying a niche in the software layer: in AI, management systems, computer vision, integration of solutions for real business scenarios, navigation, simulation, and configuration of complex robotic ecosystems.

Why Ukraine’s bet is not on ‘hardware’ but on ‘brains’

Producing humanoid robots on an industrial scale will be difficult for Ukraine. The reasons are obvious: limited production base, capital shortage, strong competition from Chinese and American players, and dependence on components. But this does not mean a strategic defeat. On the contrary, the material repeatedly emphasizes that the maximum added value in the future will be concentrated precisely in the intellectual part of robotics.

For the Israeli reader, this logic is very familiar. The country does not have to win in production volume to be a leader in meaning, solution architecture, and the applied value of technologies. In this sense, the Ukrainian model looks quite viable: Chinese ‘hardware’, American AI, and Ukrainian system integration can become a working formula for a new industry in the future.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees another important strategic nerve in this story: in the 21st century, not only those who can produce win, but also those who can connect technologies, adapt them to reality, and quickly test them in extreme conditions. This is where Ukraine is already gaining experience that takes years to accumulate in peaceful economies.

War as an accelerator, not just a destroyer

The harshest and at the same time the most truthful conclusion of the material is that the war has become the main accelerator of Ukrainian robotization. Where in other countries technologies are long tested in comfortable conditions, in Ukraine they are immediately tested to the limit: under fire, in conditions of people shortage, with logistical disruptions, against the backdrop of constant pressure on infrastructure.

That is why the Ukrainian experience in drones, ground robotic complexes, exoskeletons, and automated logistics does not look like a side effect of war, but as a foundation for a future civilian technological ecosystem. Technologies first survive on the front, and then get a chance to become part of the regular economy.

Front, logistics, and production: where robots are needed in Ukraine right now

The text shows in detail that Ukraine is developing robotization in two key directions today — in the military sphere and in civilian logistics. Large companies are already testing exoskeletons and automated solutions for warehouses and cargo movement. It is openly acknowledged that humanoid robots are not yet ready for full-fledged complex operations at the human level, but business is already closely watching this evolution.

That is, at the current stage, a robot is not an independent universal employee, but a tool that enhances a human. It can consistently repeat given actions, work according to a clear scenario, take on physically heavy and monotonous operations, help where repeatability and predictability are critical. This is not a replacement for a live worker in everything, but it is no longer an experiment for the sake of a beautiful presentation.

Why humanoids are still losing to specialized systems

On the front, the attitude towards humanoid robots remains cautious. They are considered a promising but not yet mature concept. The main problems are complex mechanics, high cost, energy consumption, vulnerability in combat conditions, issues of autonomy, communication, and navigation. Therefore, in the coming years, more practical remain ground robotic complexes and other specialized platforms that have already proven their usefulness in real war.

However, the history of recent years in Ukraine shows that technologies should not be treated too condescendingly. What seemed like an expensive toy yesterday is becoming the norm on the front or in business today. This has already happened with FPV drones, with a number of ground platforms, and with other solutions that were initially perceived as niche experiments. In this sense, humanoids are at an early stage today, but their path already looks inevitable.

Will robots save Ukraine from economic collapse

If answering strictly, then no — robots themselves will not save Ukraine. They will not fix demographics, will not completely replace the labor of millions of people, and will not cancel the structural problems of war. But they can become an important bridge between the shortage of personnel and maintaining productivity, between the lack of people and the need to keep the economy, between dangerous physical work and technological compensation for human losses.

And this is the main meaning of the entire discussion. The future of Ukraine in robotics, in essence, does not boil down to the question of whether it will catch up with the USA or China. Much more important is whether the country can create its own practical contour of robotization, where the experience of war, a strong engineering school, an IT ecosystem, and real demand for automation will form a new economic support. Judging by the assessments given in the text, Ukraine indeed has such a chance.


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Israeli technology on the Ukrainian front: Jewish community to Chechen battalion of Ukrainian Armed Forces as a sign of historical brotherhood and fight against a common enemy

As is known, in 2022 The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine recognized the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria as “temporarily occupied” and condemned the genocide of the Chechen people — an important symbolic bridge between Ukrainians and the Chechen resistance.

In the photo — Jewish volunteers and representatives of the Chechen battalion hold the flag of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria — the official symbol of the unrecognized Chechen state, which in 1991–2000 actually existed on the territory of Chechnya and declared independence from Russia. Today it is mainly used in the diaspora and among supporters of Chechen independence, including Chechen volunteers in Ukraine.

Israeli technologies on the Ukrainian front: the Jewish community — to the Chechen battalion of the AFU as a sign of historical brotherhood and struggle against a common enemy
Israeli technologies on the Ukrainian front: the Jewish community — to the Chechen battalion of the AFU as a sign of historical brotherhood and struggle against a common enemy

The suppression of the Chechen resistance by Russia in the 1990s–2000s was accompanied by mass civilian casualties and large-scale destruction.

In the First Chechen War (1994–1996), Russian troops used carpet bombing, especially in Grozny, which was practically wiped off the face of the earth; thousands of civilians were killed, tens of thousands were wounded.

In the Second Chechen War (since 1999) the scale of violence increased even more: extrajudicial executions, “cleansing” operations with disappearances of people, torture and deportations took place. According to human rights activists, the total number of dead in the two wars ranges from 80 to 150 thousand people, including women and children, and hundreds of thousands became refugees.

These events made the flag of Ichkeria not only a symbol of independence, but also a reminder of the tragedy of a people who experienced ethnic extermination.

How are the Chechen volunteer battalions of the AFU connected to the Jewish communities of Ukraine?

The Jewish community of Shostka handed over humanitarian aid to the Chechen battalion of the AFU

In Shostka, the Jewish community handed over another batch of humanitarian aid to Ukrainian servicemen, including the Chechen battalion, which is heading to one of the most dangerous sections of the front.

This was reported by the Shostka Jewish Community on its account on August 12, 2025.

“The Shostka Jewish Community continues to support our defenders by providing tactical stretchers made using Israeli technology. These stretchers are in great demand among the military, as they are reliable, comfortable, and help save lives.

This time, the aid went to the Sheikh Mansur Chechen Battalion, which will head to the hottest direction to defend our indestructible Ukraine. Along with the stretchers, paracord bracelets, protective gloves, neck pillows, fire starters, and, of course, amulets were handed over to protect our warriors in the hottest spots.

We believe that every contribution brings us closer to victory. Victory is not far away — Ukraine will definitely win!”

Volunteer work of the Shostka Jewish Community

The Shostka Jewish Community is known for producing tactical stretchers using Israeli technology.

The production is organized by volunteers at the community base. Modern materials are used to ensure reliability and convenience. Such stretchers can withstand significant loads and allow transportation of the wounded even in difficult conditions. They can be used not only to evacuate soldiers from the battlefield but also in rescue operations — they can hold up to 200 kg.

In addition to stretchers, the community purchases and sends to the front protective gloves, warm clothing, neck pillows, fire starters, and small amulets.

Sergey Katsman, head of the Jewish community, said that the Shostka Jewish Community is the only one in Ukraine producing such stretchers, but they are ready to share the sewing technology with other cities because all Ukrainians now have one common goal — Victory.

Since February 24, 2022, Shostka, a city in the Sumy region 25 kilometers from the Russian border, has been regularly shelled. Already in the first days of the invasion, the city found itself in the zone of direct threat. In March 2022, as a result of artillery strikes, residential buildings and infrastructure were damaged.

The Shostka Jewish Community, numbering several dozen active members, from the beginning of the war organized volunteer aid together with other residents. They coordinate the collection of food, clothing, medicines, and hygiene products for those affected.

In the summer of 2025, Shostka, Sumy region, was the focus of massive attacks by Russia. Aviation, guided bombs, and Shahed drones were used, with strikes on residential neighborhoods and infrastructure.
Chronology of shelling:

Date Event
July 19, 2025 Massive attack using drones and guided aerial bombs. The attack lasted about four hours. No recorded dead or wounded, but local fires occurred.
July 25–26, 2025 Drones, bombs, and missiles struck the city. Three people were injured (two women and a man), suffering burns and shrapnel wounds. Four private houses, apartment buildings, and infrastructure facilities were damaged.
August 8, 2025 Night raid of Shahed drones. Some targets were shot down by air defense, but residential buildings, cars, and infrastructure were damaged; one person was injured.
August 10, 2025 Air strike on the Khlazove area and other parts of Shostka. Civilian infrastructure and private houses were damaged.

Against the backdrop of constant threat, the Shostka Jewish Community continues to act: organizing collections of food, medicines, and essential items for those affected, and providing assistance to the wounded and to families who have lost their homes.

On July 28, 2025, the Shostka Jewish Community (Sumy region) appealed to city residents to support community members — Serhii and Iryna Starostenko, whose house was completely destroyed as a result of shelling, and all property was destroyed.

Chechen volunteer battalions in the Armed Forces of Ukraine

For more than ten years, Chechen volunteer formations, created from natives of Chechnya who emigrated after the First and Second Chechen Wars, have been fighting as part of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Their main goal is to continue the struggle against Russia, which they consider their historical enemy. For them, the war in Ukraine is not only support for the Ukrainian people but also part of their own national liberation struggle for the independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.

Sheikh Mansur Battalion

It was to this battalion that the Shostka Jewish Community has now provided assistance.

Formed in 2014, mainly from Chechens who left Chechnya after the Second Chechen War. Initially part of the Volunteer Ukrainian Corps “Right Sector,” later — of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army. Named after the late 18th-century Caucasian leader Sheikh Mansur, who led the highlanders’ uprising against the Russian Empire. This is one of the largest volunteer battalions in Ukraine, which took part in battles in Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and after 2022 — also in the southern directions.

Dzhokhar Dudayev Battalion

Also created in 2014. Composed mainly of Chechen emigrants who left their homeland after the Second Chechen War. Named after the first president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Dzhokhar Dudayev, who was killed by Russian troops in 1996. The battalion’s motto is “Freedom or Death!”. The unit is actively fighting on the fronts, seeing Ukraine’s victory as an important step towards the possible liberation of Chechnya.

Khamzat Gelayev Battalion

A formation created in 2022, named after Chechen field commander Ruslan (Khamzat) Gelayev, one of the symbols of resistance to Russia. The battalion quickly became part of the AFU’s combat operations, participating in assault actions and reconnaissance.

Other Chechen formations

In addition to these three main battalions, the following fight on Ukraine’s side:

  • Separate Special Purpose Battalion of the Armed Forces of the ChRI;
  • Special Operations Group “SOG”;
  • Assault Battalion “Shalena Zgraya” (“Mad Pack”);
  • Volunteer Battalion “Crimea”;
  • Muslim Corps “Caucasus”.

Why Chechen battalions fight for Ukraine

For the fighters of these units, the war in Ukraine is a chance to continue the struggle they began on their native land against Russian occupation. They believe that Russia’s defeat in Ukraine will also bring the liberation of Chechnya closer. Many fighters have combat experience gained in the Caucasus mountains and use it to help Ukrainian troops with reconnaissance, sabotage operations, and urban combat.

As of the end of 2022, the number of Chechen volunteers in the AFU was estimated at about 2,000 people, but there are no exact and up-to-date figures for 2025 — many formations do not disclose their numbers for security reasons.

Historical connection between Mountain Jews and Chechens

The ancestors of the Mountain Jews (Juhuri) arrived in the Caucasus presumably in the 5th century CE from Persia, where their forebears had settled in the 8th century BCE from ancient Israel. Their language — Mountain Jewish (Juhuri) — belongs to the southwestern group of Judeo-Iranian languages. The Mountain Jews practiced Judaism according to the Sephardic rite and had their own writing, literature, and religious books, including the prayer book “Rabbi Yechiel Sevi.”

From the 19th century, during the Caucasian War and the annexation of the region by the Russian Empire, Mountain Jews lived in Chechnya, Dagestan, and neighboring areas, including Grozny, Vedeno, Itum-Kali, and mountain auls. Their neighbors were Chechens — Sunni Muslims — with whom relations of mutual respect and trust were established. Trade routes, crafts, and common enemies (first the tsarist, then the Soviet repressive authorities) brought the two peoples closer.

Chechens valued Jewish blacksmiths, gunsmiths, jewelers, and winemakers, and Mountain Jews used the services of Chechen craftsmen and farmers. In bazaars, the trading rows stood side by side, and deals were often sealed by a spoken word. In case of an external threat, Chechens protected Jewish families, and Jews helped their neighbors with food and craft products.

During the Second World War, the Mountain Jews of Chechnya and Dagestan avoided the mass extermination that befell their communities in Crimea and the Kuban, largely thanks to the resistance of the local population, including the Chechens. In 1944, when the Soviet authorities deported the Chechens to Central Asia, some Mountain Jews of Grozny and the surrounding areas looked after their homes. After the return, the Chechens helped their Jewish neighbors amid the postwar devastation.

The cultural life of the Mountain Jews suffered greatly from Soviet policy: in 1948–1953, schools teaching in the Judeo-Tat language were closed, literature in Juhuri ceased, and communities were pressured. Nevertheless, until the end of the 20th century, several thousand Mountain Jews continued to live in Chechnya.

Cultural revival began only after 1991; however, new problems arose due to instability and religious pressure from the Muslim environment. The period of the Chechen wars of the 1990s–2000s was especially difficult, when almost all Mountain Jews left Grozny and Nalchik.

Today the number of Mountain Jews is estimated at approximately 110,000 people. The largest communities live in Israel (50–70 thousand), Azerbaijan (12–37 thousand), as well as in the USA, Germany, and Austria. In Russia, they remain in Dagestan (3–18 thousand) and partly in other regions. Traditional centers of residence include Derbent, Makhachkala, Buynaksk (Dagestan), Baku and Kuba (Azerbaijan). In Chechnya now only a few elderly representatives of this community remain, and most descendants of the Mountain Jews from Chechnya live in Israel, the USA, and Europe.

Despite the loss of former neighborhood, the memory of peaceful coexistence is preserved. Chechens and Mountain Jews who met in Israel or in the diaspora often recall the times when they were connected by shared courtyards, markets, mutual assistance, and respect — that which allowed two different peoples to live side by side for more than a century.

Relations between Jews and Chechens in Ukraine from 2014 to the present

Since the beginning of Russian aggression in 2014, the interaction between the Jewish community of Ukraine and Chechen volunteers has acquired practical and symbolic significance.

In the autumn of 2014, a volunteer battalion named after Beni Krik was created in Odesa — a Jewish-Chechen humanitarian formation. Commander Dmytro Nudel stated that Odesa Jews would collect aid for fighters in the ATO zone and for the wounded, and that volunteers would be trained with the help of fighters from the Chechen battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev. The battalion had a symbolic character and did not participate in battles, but demonstrated the alliance of the two communities: the Chechens shared military experience, and the Jews — resources and a volunteer network. The unit was supported by Amina Okuyeva, the wife of the commander of the Dudayev battalion.

In 2014–2015, a significant part of the assistance to Chechen volunteers was coordinated through the Dnipropetrovsk region, where, with the participation of Governor Ihor Kolomoyskyi and the Jewish community, a powerful volunteer center was created. Private patrons provided fighters with uniforms, transport, and equipment.

In February 2016, commander Adam Osmayev and Amina Okuyeva, at the invitation of city council deputy Asher Cherkassky, visited the central synagogue “Golden Rose” and the “Menorah” center in Dnipro. The guests toured the Museum “Memory of the Jewish People and the Holocaust in Ukraine,” where special attention was paid to the deportation of Chechens in 1944. Cherkassky emphasized the spiritual kinship of peoples united by a common struggle against imperial aggression.

At the state level, Jewish support was also noticeable. In the Verkhovna Rada of the 8th convocation (2014–2019), deputy Heorhii Lohvynskyi, deputy chairman of the Human Rights Committee, repeatedly raised the issue of the deportation of Chechens by the Stalinist regime, drawing parallels with the Holocaust. He welcomed the recognition of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and supported pro-Ukrainian Chechen formations. These actions strengthened the moral and political legitimacy of the Chechen presence in Ukraine.

In September 2022, the words of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, addressed to the peoples of the Caucasus with an appeal not to fight for Russia, received a wide response in the Jewish diaspora and strengthened informational support for Chechen allies.

The Chechen volunteers themselves note the respect and assistance from the Jewish community. Osmayev and Okuyeva emphasized that Ukraine became a home for people of different nationalities united by the desire for freedom. After 2022, the symbols of Ichkeria began to appear at Jewish public events, and some Chechen fighters wear a six-pointed star on their uniforms along with the flag of their republic.

From NAnews

The story of assistance from the Shostka Jewish community to the Sheikh Mansur Chechen Battalion is not a one-off gesture, but part of a long line of mutual support stretching from the days of peaceful neighborhood between Mountain Jews and Chechens in the Caucasus to today’s joint struggle in Ukraine.

Since 2014, Jewish communities across the country — from Odesa to Dnipro — have not only shared resources with Chechen volunteers, but have also publicly recognized them as allies in resisting Russian aggression. The Chechens reciprocate, seeing Ukrainian Jews as partners in arms and fate.

Today, when the flag of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is raised alongside the Ukrainian and Israeli flags, it symbolizes not only resistance to a single aggressor, but also the historical solidarity of peoples who survived genocide and refused to give up the right to freedom. For us at NAnews — News of Israel, this is a reminder that brotherhood, forged through blood and mutual aid, can outlast centuries and borders.


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Do you know who adorns the 50-shekel bill? Shaul Tchernichovsky, an outstanding Jewish poet born and created in Ukraine.

Chernikhovsky was born in Mikhailovka (Taurida Governorate), now the urban-type settlement of Mikhailovka in Zaporizhzhia Oblast. On August 20, 2020, a commemorative plaque for Chernikhovsky was unveiled on the building of the Mikhailovka Local History Museum (Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Ukraine). On March 1, 2022, Mikhailovka was occupied by Russian aggressors.

Do you know who adorns the 50-shekel bill? Yes, yes, it is him — Shaul Chernikhovsky, whose name is immortalized not only on banknotes but also on the streets of Israeli cities.

He is often called “second after Bialik” among Israeli poets. But isn’t that a compliment?

Shaul Gutmanovich Chernikhovsky was an outstanding Jewish poet, translator, and doctor, whose creations in Hebrew had a significant impact on Jewish culture.

Born in Mikhailovka (Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine), he knew several languages and began translating Pushkin’s works into Hebrew in his youth.

At the age of 15, he continued his education in Odessa. With the support of Yosef Klausner, he began publishing poems. He then went to Heidelberg and Lausanne, where he studied medicine. Upon returning from abroad, he worked as a doctor in Melitopol and in Kharkiv Governorate.

During the First World War, he was also a doctor in a hospital (Serafimovsky Lazaret in Minsk). He was awarded the Order of St. Stanislaus, third class, and the Order of St. Anna, third class.

After the war, he returned to Odessa and engaged in private medical practice. In 1922, he emigrated from Russia and settled in Berlin.

His poems and translations brought him wide recognition. He wrote poems in Hebrew (at that time, Hebrew was not yet fully restored as a spoken language and was often called the “ancient Hebrew language”). His poetry celebrates inner revival through Zionism, the liberation of the Jewish soul.

For modern Hebrew speakers, however, Chernikhovsky’s metrics are often difficult to perceive because the stresses in modern Hebrew differ from the language in which the poet wrote; the language itself has significantly changed, becoming a living means of communication.

In 1931, Chernikhovsky made a move that changed his life: he moved to Eretz-Israel. Here he not only contributed to medicine by compiling a dictionary of terms (Latin — Hebrew — English) but also continued to heal with words, working as a doctor in a school.

His pen was no less powerful than a scalpel, as he translated the epic poems “Iliad” and “Odyssey” into Hebrew, as well as “The Tale of Igor’s Campaign.” For translating the Finnish “Kalevala,” he was awarded the Knight’s Cross of the Order of the White Rose of Finland in 1934. From 1936, Chernikhovsky represented Hebrew literature in the international PEN club and was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1935 and 1937. He twice became a laureate of the Bialik Prize for Literature.

Twice (in 1935 and 1937) he was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature.

He passed away in 1943 in Jerusalem, leaving behind a rich literary legacy.

Shaul Chernikhovsky is not just a name, it is a symbol. A symbol of love for his people, language, and culture. A symbol of tireless pursuit of knowledge and creativity.

 


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Erdogan threatens Israel again: Turkey raises the stakes, and the conflict quickly goes beyond words

Ankara’s rhetoric towards Israel has once again sharply intensified, and this time it’s not just about the usual accusations against Jerusalem. According to The Jerusalem Post, on April 12, 2026, Recep Tayyip Erdogan accused Israel of ‘atrocities’ against Palestinians and Lebanon during a speech in Istanbul, and then suggested the possibility of a military scenario, comparing it to Turkey’s actions in Karabakh and Libya. For the Israeli audience, this does not sound like an ordinary emotional outburst, but as another signal: relations between the two countries are rapidly approaching a new dangerous point.

It is also important that Erdogan’s words did not occur in a vacuum. They coincided with a new round of the Turkish-Israeli conflict around the ‘Gaza flotilla’, Turkish accusations against Israeli leaders, and mutual public insults at the highest level. As a result, the crisis between Jerusalem and Ankara today looks not just like a diplomatic quarrel, but as a struggle for regional role, in which Turkey is increasingly trying to speak the language of force.

What exactly did Erdogan say and why did it sound so alarming

The Jerusalem Post writes that the Turkish president first accused Israel of continuing a ‘genocidal network’ and claimed that 1.2 million Lebanese were forced to leave their homes due to Israeli strikes. At the same time, the publication separately notes: Israel and the US reject the assertion that Lebanon is part of the current ceasefire agreements with Iran. Later, responding to journalists, Erdogan went even further and said that Turkey must be strong to prevent Israel from doing this to Palestine, and then made a direct comparison with Karabakh and Libya.

The most sensitive part of his words is precisely the formula about the possible repetition of past Turkish interventions. Back in July 2024, Reuters recorded almost the same logic: at that time, Erdogan already said that Turkey must be strong enough so that Israel could not do ‘these ridiculous things’ with Palestine, and added that Ankara could act the same as in Karabakh and Libya. In other words, the current statement is not an accidental slip, but a continuation of an already established line of pressure.

Karabakh and Libya are no longer a metaphor, but a political signal

For Israel, the level of hostility is not the only important factor, but also the chosen images. When the Turkish leader refers to Karabakh and Libya, he shifts the dispute from the realm of slogans to the plane of precedents. This is a way to show internal audiences strength, and external ones Ankara’s readiness to see itself not just as a participant in the Middle Eastern discussion, but as an independent power center. Even if a direct military confrontation between Turkey and Israel does not currently seem like a likely scenario, the normalization of such rhetoric itself is already dangerous.

In this situation, Israel hears not just another anti-Israel speech, but Erdogan’s attempt to occupy the niche of the main defender of the Palestinian issue in the Muslim world. And the weaker the traditional Arab mechanisms of influence appear, the louder Ankara tries to speak on behalf of the region. In this sense, Turkey’s threats are both a foreign policy challenge to Israel and an element of internal Turkish political theater.

How Israel responded and why the conflict quickly moved to a personal phase

The Israeli side’s response was not long in coming. According to The Jerusalem Post, Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu accused Erdogan of hypocrisy, reminded of Northern Cyprus, the treatment of Kurds and the Armenian issue, and also called the Turkish president a ‘megalomaniac dictator’ with imperial ambitions. Moreover, he hinted that it was time to close ‘this sad chapter of relations’ and raise the question of a complete severance of diplomatic ties with Turkey.

Against this backdrop, the conflict became even harsher due to the Turkish case against Israeli officials over the ‘Sumud’ episode. The Jerusalem Post reported that the Turkish prosecutor’s office filed charges against Benjamin Netanyahu and 35 other Israeli officials over the interception of the ‘Gaza flotilla’ in October 2025. Anadolu also confirmed that it was an indictment against Netanyahu and 34 others in the case of the attack on a humanitarian aid ship. It is this legal front that has made the current verbal skirmish even more explosive.

This is where Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees the main shift. Ankara is no longer limited to harsh statements about Gaza and Palestine. Turkey is simultaneously trying to play the court, the moral accuser, and the regional power that allows the language of military threat against Israel. For the Israeli reader, this is no longer a private news about Erdogan’s harsh words, but a sign of a much deeper cooling, where public hatred is gradually forming into a systemic state line.

From the flotilla to ‘the Hitler of our time’

Further escalation was almost instantaneous. The Jerusalem Post reported that Netanyahu, Israel Katz, and Itamar Ben-Gvir responded to Turkish accusations with separate harsh posts, and Ben-Gvir published an openly offensive message towards Erdogan. After this, the Turkish Foreign Ministry issued an official reaction, stating that Netanyahu is called ‘the Hitler of our time’ due to the crimes he committed. This formula is also recorded on the official website of the Turkish foreign policy department.

When a diplomatic dispute reaches such language, the space for normal dialogue almost disappears. For Israel, this means that Turkey is no longer just arguing with Israeli policy, but is consciously building one of the most aggressive anti-Israel narratives in the region. And when such rhetoric comes from a NATO member country with serious military potential, it is inevitably perceived differently in Jerusalem than the usual statements from the Iranian proxy camp.

What this means for Israel right now

The main problem for Israel is that the Turkish line is no longer just noisy. It consists of three elements simultaneously: threats of a forceful nature, legal pressure on Israeli leaders, and an ideological campaign where Israel is described in the language of ‘genocide’, ‘barbarism’, and international crime. In such a configuration, Erdogan is trying to make Turkey not just a critic of Israel, but a political center of attraction for the entire anti-Israel agenda in the region.

For Israeli society, this means that Turkey is already difficult to perceive as a complex, but still pragmatic partner of previous years. Even if a direct military scenario remains unlikely, the logic of relations has changed. Ankara is increasingly trying on the role of a state that simultaneously pressures Israel through moral accusations, international legal constructions, and the threat of force. And that is why Erdogan’s current words should be read not as a single outburst, but as part of a new, tougher Turkish strategy against Israel.


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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Why do Israeli “left” and “right” argue not about “politics” but about “morality” itself

In Israel, the dispute between the left and the right has long gone beyond the usual disagreement between parties, programs, and election slogans. On the surface, it looks like a conflict over war, security, Arab-Israeli relations, the role of the court, the state, and religion. But if you look deeper, it becomes clear: often it’s not just about different views on the same events, but about two different ways of understanding the world, justice, and human loyalty.

That is why the same fact in Israeli society provokes not just different assessments, but almost incompatible moral reactions.

For some, the main thing is not to betray their own. For others, it is not to abandon a universal principle, even if it is inconvenient and painful.

And as long as this internal conflict is not called by its names, the country will continue to argue as if it were about numbers, although in reality, the dispute is about what to consider good, what is duty, and what is betrayal.

Not just two platforms, but two coordinate systems

It is customary to say that the left and the right are people with different political programs.

Some advocate for tougher security and national cohesion, others for human rights, limiting state power, and more universal moral rules. But in the Israeli reality, this explanation is no longer sufficient.

The right-wing worldview in its mass form is most often built around belonging.

In such logic, the world is divided into ‘us’ and ‘them,’ and morality does not exist separately from this division. It begins to work differently depending on who is being discussed. Our own can make mistakes, behave rudely, be unjust, but they still remain our own. The outsider is initially perceived as someone who cannot be trusted, who should be feared, and whose suffering does not have to evoke the same reaction as the suffering of our own.

In Israeli political culture, this manifests itself especially sharply because the country lives under real threat, memories of wars, terrorist attacks, and a constant sense of siege. In such an atmosphere, the division into ‘us’ and ‘them’ becomes not only an emotional reaction but also a way of self-description. Moreover, outsiders can be not only Arabs or Iran. Within Israel itself, ‘leftists,’ judges, officials, the Ashkenazi elite, secular liberals, Russian speakers, ultra-Orthodox, migrants, human rights activists easily fall into this category — the set changes, but the mechanism remains.

A common enemy in such a system is often more important than a common positive goal. It is not an idea that unites the camp, but an object of irritation. Not an image of the future, but an image of danger.

Why in a warring society justice seems like a threat

That is why in times of war or acute crisis, the attempt to talk about equal moral standards for everyone is perceived not as honesty, but as hostility.

When a person says that compassion, law, and measure should also be applied to outsiders, their words are easily perceived as undermining collective defense. It seems as if they are not just arguing, but breaking the internal psychological shield on which communal solidarity rests.

This is one of the main features of the Israeli political dispute.

For many people, morality is primarily loyalty to their own. If our children are killed, it is absolute evil. If our actions lead to the death of other people’s children, it is explained by war, necessity, collateral damage, the enemy’s guilt, or the inevitability of conflict. Symmetry here seems not like humanism, but almost like sacrilege.

For another part of society, morality is arranged differently.

There, the center is not loyalty, but justice. Not the tribe, but the principle.

This approach requires that the same rules work against both the enemy and our own. If it is unacceptable to kill civilians, it should be unacceptable always. If there is a right, it should not become a privilege only for one’s own camp. If there is compassion, it cannot end at the border of identity.

On this line, the main Israeli rift is born. Some believe that universal morality in a real war is a luxury that a society under threat cannot afford. Others are convinced that it is the refusal of universal morality that destroys the country from within because it turns it from a community of citizens into a camp living by the rules of emotional mobilization.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency has repeatedly shown through examples from Israeli public life that this crack runs not only between parties in the Knesset but also through families, work collectives, universities, the military environment, and even ordinary conversations in bomb shelters, where fear, anger, and a sense of common destiny often prove stronger than any rational arguments.

Why this dispute is almost impossible to end

In the Israeli discussion, it is often mistakenly thought that the issue can be resolved with the right facts.

That if you explain better, provide numbers, remind of chronology, show cause-and-effect relationships, the opponent will definitely change their position. But this does not always work precisely because the dispute is not about facts as such.

When one person perceives the discussion as a search for truth, and another as a test of loyalty, an almost insurmountable chasm arises between them. For the first, admitting one’s own mistake is part of honest thinking. For the second, it is a risk of weakening their own and giving an argument to outsiders.

And in conditions of conflict, it is often the second type of behavior that proves to be socially more advantageous: it gives a sense of belonging, security, and emotional warmth within the group.

Therefore, a leftist in Israel often seems not just naive to a rightist, but dangerous.

And a rightist to a leftist looks not just harsh, but morally deaf.

Each sees in the other not only a political opponent but a bearer of a different human structure.

This does not mean that all rightists are the same or that all leftists truly live by high universal standards. Reality is always more complex than any scheme. Among the right, there are people for whom moral constraints and the human dignity of outsiders are important. Among the left, there is enough cynicism, arrogance, and double standards. But the general difference in priorities still exists, and it explains a lot in today’s Israel.

The dispute between the left and the right here increasingly turns out to be a dispute not about how to better govern the country, but about what makes a person moral at all.

For one side, it is moral to be for one’s own, even when it requires turning a blind eye to inconvenient questions. For the other, it is moral to ask these questions even when it makes you an outsider among your own.

And as long as Israel remains a society living under the pressure of war, memory, trauma, and constant fear, this conflict will not disappear. Because it concerns not only elections, not only Netanyahu, not only judicial reform or the war in Gaza. It concerns the very foundation of the social contract: is the nation built on common justice or on common loyalty.

The answer to this question determines not only the language of political polemics. It also determines what Israel wants to see itself as in the future — a state that knows how to protect its own without abandoning moral constraints, or a society where the very idea of justice will increasingly seem like a weakness.


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The end of the Orban era: Hungary has chosen Magyar and is changing the balance in Europe

Hungary has undergone a political upheaval that seemed almost impossible not long ago. In the parliamentary elections on April 12, 2026, the Tisza party led by Peter Magyar defeated Viktor Orban, ending his 16-year tenure in power. With nearly 80% turnout, a record for post-communist Hungary, Orban conceded defeat, and his opponent achieved a result sufficient for a constitutional majority.

For Europe, this is not just a change of name in the prime minister’s office. It is a blow to the model of ‘illiberal democracy’ that Orban had been selling for years as an alternative to Brussels Europe. For Ukraine, it is a chance for a more predictable Hungary within the EU and NATO. And for Israel, it is a reason to soberly assess who was truly a reliable partner and who merely skillfully combined demonstrative friendship with Jerusalem, close ties with Moscow, and, as revealed by The Washington Post, a willingness to assist Iran at a sensitive moment.

What happened in Hungary

Magyar received a mandate to dismantle Orban’s system

Peter Magyar’s victory was not symbolic but crushing. According to Reuters, AP, and other major Western media, his Tisza secured a two-thirds majority in parliament, which means the ability to change key laws and rewrite the rules on which Orban built his system of control over the state, courts, and public space. Some reports mention a result of 138 seats for Tisza in the 199-seat parliament — above the threshold needed for constitutional changes.

This is the real sensation. Orban not only lost another electoral cycle. He lost the architecture of untouchability that had kept him in the status of an almost irreplaceable leader for many years. Just yesterday, his model was considered stable, and today in Budapest, they are talking about dismantling the system, restoring the rule of law, and unfreezing European funds that were blocked due to EU concerns about the state of democracy in Hungary.

Why Hungarians opted for this change of power

The key role was played not by abstract debates about political theory but by very down-to-earth issues: economic stagnation, inflation, fatigue from corruption, degradation of public services, and general irritation that the government had been living in its own reality for too long. Reuters and AP note that it was everyday problems — healthcare, transport, prices, quality of governance — that became the language through which Magyar managed to reach the voter.

Hungarian society showed what many no longer expected from it: political maturity and the ability to mobilize without chaos. Orban conceded defeat on election night and stated that he would serve the country from the opposition. For a state that had been cited for years as a story of ‘creeping irreplaceability,’ this is indeed a significant event.

Why this is important for Europe and Ukraine

In Brussels, it’s not the tone that changes, but the balance

Orban was one of the most problematic EU partners on the Ukrainian front. Reuters directly calls him a key opponent of the European Union’s efforts to support Ukraine in the war against the Russian invasion. The Washington Post separately wrote about blocking a 90-billion-euro European loan for Kyiv. Against this backdrop, Magyar’s victory changes not only Hungarian domestic politics but also the balance of power within the European Union itself.

Magyar built his campaign as pro-European and anti-corruption, promised to restore relations with the EU and NATO, return Hungary’s frozen funds, and turn the country away from Orban’s conflict with Brussels to a more working format of cooperation. Among his first foreign policy priorities, Western media name Brussels and Warsaw. The signal is easily read: the new Hungary wants to be part of the European decision-making center again, not a constant internal saboteur.

That’s why НАновости — Israel News Hungary | Nikk.Agency view this vote not as an ordinary internal political reshuffle in Budapest, but as a turn that can affect both European aid to Ukraine and the overall climate within the EU, where Orban’s Hungary played the role of a convenient brake for decisions unpleasant to the Kremlin for too long.

For Kyiv, this is indeed good news

Volodymyr Zelensky has already congratulated the winner, and European leaders perceived the election outcome as a democratic breakthrough and a chance to reset Hungary’s relations with the European Union. For Ukraine, this is especially important because Budapest under Orban regularly turned into a source of blockages, scandals, and nervousness within the Western camp. Now Kyiv has a chance to work not with a politician who balanced between Brussels and Moscow for years, but with a leader promising a more transparent and European line.

Of course, an instant idyll should not be expected. Even a Ukraine-friendly Budapest will not solve all the EU’s problems with one move. But the disappearance within the union of such a strong and experienced lobbyist of Orban’s line is already a strategic relief for Europe and, indirectly, for Israel, which is also interested in a more stable and less pro-Russian contour of European policy.

What this means for Israel

Orban was convenient but not unconditionally reliable partner

The Israeli view of this story should not be superficial. Yes, Orban publicly supported Israel on a number of international issues and demonstrated closeness to Benjamin Netanyahu. The Washington Post writes that Netanyahu publicly supported Orban on the eve of the elections, and the Hungarian authorities in recent years have repeatedly met the Israeli position on the international stage. But the same material also reminds of another: after the pager attack, the Hungarian side, according to the publication, offered assistance to Iran — the main sponsor of Hezbollah.

And this is where the most important part begins. Orban’s Hungary tried to simultaneously befriend Israel, maintain special relations with Russia, remain a comfortable platform for national-conservative Europe, and not burn bridges with those working against Israeli security. Such multi-vectorism might have seemed convenient in short-term tactics, but in the long run, it made Budapest a partner with a double bottom.

Therefore, Orban’s defeat for Israel is not necessarily bad news. On the contrary, in the strategic perspective, Hungary, which returns to European institutions, the rule of law, and a more predictable foreign policy, looks much more worthy and reliable than Hungary, which tried to sit on several chairs at once — from Jerusalem to Moscow.

Magyar’s victory does not guarantee miracles and does not erase the entire Orban trace in courts, media, and state companies overnight. But it has already become a rare example of how a society, tired of the prolonged ‘strong hand,’ still finds the strength to peacefully change power. For Hungary, this is a chance to return to political Europe. For Ukraine, a chance for a less toxic Hungary within the EU. And for Israel, a reminder of a simple thing: the best ally is not the one who speaks the right words louder, but the one whose real connections and actions do not undermine regional security.


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Hair Health Center ‘Abramsky’ in Haifa: when itching, hair loss, and ‘thinning part’ stop being trivial

There are problems that people try to “endure” for a long time.
Hair on the brush. Scalp itch. The feeling that the ponytail has become thinner. The parting has widened. And also — the eternal “maybe it’s seasonal.” In Israel, this sounds especially familiar: heat, sun, humidity, stress, abrupt changes in care and water — all this affects the scalp and follicles.

Therefore, many at some point stop googling another “shampoo for everything” and look for a place where they first deal with the cause, and only then offer a plan. In Haifa, such an address for many becomes the “Abramsky” Hair Health Center — the Russian-language main page is here: https://hair-health-center.nikk.co.il/ru/

Why “just hair loss” often turns out to be a system of causes

The most common pain is the feeling of losing control.
Yesterday everything was fine, and today hair remains in the shower drain, on the pillow, on clothes. People start taking typical steps: changing shampoos, buying vitamins, trying masks, canceling coloring, enduring itching. Sometimes it gets easier, but often — not for long.

The problem is that hair loss and thinning often go hand in hand with scalp irritation: inflammation, increased oiliness, dryness, flaking. And until the scalp is put in order, any “length remedies” only provide a cosmetic effect.

If it’s more convenient for you to read in Hebrew — the center’s main page is here: https://hair-health-center.nikk.co.il/

The pains that people most often come with — and what is done about them

1) “Hair falls out a lot, especially after stress/illness/childbirth”
This is a story where a person tries to understand: is it temporary, or is the process becoming entrenched. The center focuses on diagnosing the scalp and follicle condition — to separate “waves” of hair loss from situations where intervention is needed.

2) “Itching, burning, discomfort — and it seems that the scalp is living its own life”
This is not a symptom that should be suppressed by endlessly changing shampoos. When itching is associated with inflammation or imbalance of the scalp, it is more important to understand the trigger and calm the hair growth environment. Material on the topic (for those who want to delve deeper): https://hair-health-center.nikk.co.il/ru/zud-vospalenie-i-diskomfort/

3) “The parting is widening, the hair has become thin and brittle”
Brittleness rarely appears in one day. More often it is an accumulation of factors: heat styling, coloring, sun, humidity, stress, sometimes — internal causes. In such cases, the plan is usually built to work simultaneously with the scalp and the quality of the hair along the length.

By the way, NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency often writes about how “small” symptoms in Israeli reality quickly turn into a permanent problem if delayed — with hair, it works exactly the same.

How the center builds its approach: fewer promises — more stages

In Haifa, Check-Post:
In Haifa, Check-Post: “Abramsky” Hair Health Center — scalp diagnostics, help with hair loss, alopecia, itching, and thinning. Schedule: Sun–Thu 9:00–19:00, Fri/holiday eve 9:00–14:00. 055-939-7729.

People are not irritated by the procedures themselves. It’s the chaos that irritates.
When there is no understanding: what is happening, why, how long it will take, and how to assess progress.

Abramsky’s logic is clear:
first diagnosis, then individual protocol, then dynamics — and adjustments based on the reaction of the scalp and hair. Not “the same for everyone,” but tailored to the specific picture.

If you want to follow updates, analysis of typical cases, and short explanations — the center maintains a Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61583975616191 (it’s convenient to view publications and news there, especially for the Russian-speaking audience).

Geography: who finds it convenient to get there

The center is located in Haifa, in the Check-Post area — a place that is easy to reach for city residents and those coming from Kiryat, Nesher, Tirat Carmel, and the entire North.

Address: שד’ ההסתדרות 44, צ’ק פוסט, חיפה.
If you need a map/route immediately on your phone, use the Google link: https://share.google/ZQvv9ENHX3H1rWwqh

Schedule and contact

Schedule, which is important to know in advance, so as not to travel “in vain”:

  • Sun–Thu: 9:00–19:00

  • Fri and pre-holiday days: 9:00–14:00

Phone for appointments/inquiries: 055-939-7729.

If you want “quick answers” without unnecessary noise

Sometimes it’s easier for a person to watch a short video than to read long explanations. For this, there is the center’s YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/@HairHealthHaifa — there you can gather a basic understanding of what is considered normal and what is a reason for diagnosis.

And if you prefer a more business-like format (professional presentation, updates, expert notes) — there is LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/hairhealthhaifa/

For those who are used to receiving news briefly and to the point, there is also X (Twitter): https://x.com/HairHealthHaifa — convenient when you need literally 2–3 thoughts without “sheets.”

What can be done today while you are thinking about a visit

Without magic and without “guarantees”:

  1. stop endlessly changing shampoos “at random” every 5 days;

  2. do not scratch the scalp “to blood” and do not exacerbate irritation with scrubs/alcohol-based products;

  3. record: when it started, what changed (stress, illness, coloring, diet, medications);

  4. and come for a diagnosis, so as not to guess.

Because the most expensive mistake with hair problems is not the cost of the procedure.
The most expensive mistake is lost months in the “it will pass by itself” mode.


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Trump announced ‘successful’ talks with Iran, but the main question for Israel remained unanswered

On March 23, 2026, Donald Trump stated that the US and Iran have been conducting “very good and productive” negotiations for two days, and that is why Washington is delaying strikes on Iranian power plants and energy infrastructure for five days. Formally, this appeared as a diplomatic turn. But within a few hours, it became clear: the story is far less straightforward than the White House tried to present.

The problem is that Tehran almost immediately publicly cut off this version. Iranian sources, including Fars and the country’s Foreign Ministry, stated that there are no direct or indirect negotiations with the US, and Trump himself, according to their version, simply backed down after harsh Iranian threats to regional infrastructure and shipping. As a result, two incompatible narratives simultaneously exist in the Middle East: the American one about “productive contacts,” and the Iranian one about bluffing and psychological games.

For the Israeli audience, this is not ordinary diplomatic noise. Israel views such signals not as media skirmishes, but as a test of Washington’s real intentions: whether it is a temporary pause before new pressure on Iran or the beginning of a deal where the region’s security is once again attempted to be exchanged for partial stabilization of the oil market.

Trump showed a pause, but did not show an agreement.

The essence of the American signal is clear. Trump announced that he gave the Pentagon the command to delay strikes on Iranian energy for five days if current contacts develop successfully. AP clarifies: the US president was not talking about a full-fledged agreement, but about indirect communication with some “respected” Iranian leader. Reuters, meanwhile, emphasizes: the market instantly perceived this as news of de-escalation, not as a confirmed peace mechanism.

This is where the main inconsistency begins. If the negotiations are indeed so substantive, why does Iran demonstratively deny them? If there are no negotiations in the declared form, then Trump’s statement becomes part of a political maneuver — for the external audience, for the markets, and for his own American voters. So far, the facts rather confirm the latter: the tone has sharply softened, but no transparent deal structure has been shown.

Why this is important right now

The whole story unfolds against the backdrop of the struggle around the Strait of Hormuz — a key artery of global energy. AP, Reuters, and other major publications note that the issue of shipping and threats to energy infrastructure has become central in this crisis, and any change in US rhetoric immediately affects oil, gas, and global expectations. So it’s long been not just about a military episode, but about a conflict that directly impacts prices, logistics, and the stability of US allies, including Israel and Gulf countries.

What Israel should hear in this story

Israel is not concerned about the mere fact of Washington talking to Tehran. Israel is concerned about the price of a possible conversation. If the American line boils down to a simple exchange of “Hormuz open — strikes delayed,” it will mean that Iran has gained time, space, and a political respite without a clear and publicly confirmed dismantling of its nuclear and missile problem. Even AP, retelling Trump’s position, only writes about his hope to achieve the cessation of the nuclear program and the transfer of enriched uranium. But Trump’s hope is not yet Iran’s commitment.

According to the Jerusalem Post, the Americans are allegedly in contact through the speaker of the Iranian parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. This is an important detail, but precisely as a report from the Israeli press, not as a fact confirmed by all parties. In such conditions, in Jerusalem and more broadly in the Israeli expert field, they will inevitably look at what is happening with caution: is the scheme repeating where Iran sells partial de-escalation as a strategic concession, and in return receives a weakening of pressure.

And here Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees the main fork of the moment. For Israel, the question is not whether Trump likes the word “deal.” The question is whether this deal will be backed by a real limitation of Iran’s potential — or whether the region is once again being offered to calm down for a while, while Tehran gains diplomatic and economic points. In the Middle East, such pauses are rarely neutral.

Why the Iranian denial sounds so harsh

The Iranian side did not just say “no.” It tried to turn the plot itself, presenting the case as if it was not Tehran looking for a way out, but Washington blinked first after threats to the region’s energy and infrastructure. This is an important point: even if intermediaries are indeed working, Tehran clearly does not want to pay a political price for the image of the conceding side. This means that the space for a real, quick, and transparent deal remains very limited.

Markets rejoiced faster than diplomats

The fastest reaction came not from diplomacy, but from the exchanges. After Trump’s statement, Brent oil fell by about 13%, and global markets went up. This is a very telling detail: the markets reacted not to a signed agreement, but to the mere fact of delaying the strike and the chance that the White House would at least temporarily remove a new energy shock from the agenda.

But for Israel, such a reaction should not be a reason for complacency. The market loves breaks. The region, however, needs answers to completely different questions: is the path to long-term settlement open, will Iran’s nuclear component be limited, is there control over the missile program, and will the conversation about Hormuz not turn into another screen behind which the war simply changes form. So far, there is no clear “yes” to these questions. And so, the story of March 23 is more of a pause with a loud headline than a real diplomatic breakthrough.


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“Only the dead will see the end of the war”: from Ukraine to the Middle East: – why Ukrainian General Zaluzhny warns of a big war — and why this signal will be heard especially acutely in Israel

The war in Ukraine and the war in the Middle East increasingly sound not like two separate crises, but as parts of one dangerous era. This is how Valeriy Zaluzhny formulates the problem in the article “Only the Dead Will See the End of War” in his new column for NV, published on March 22, 2026: the former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, now the Ambassador of Ukraine to the United Kingdom, writes that the world has already reached a point where local wars can either merge into a global confrontation or bring the international system to a state almost indistinguishable from a world war in terms of tension and consequences.

For the Israeli audience, this thesis does not sound like an abstract theory. Israel lives in a reality where regional war has long ceased to be just a regional topic. Ukraine also knows this state too well: one front, one aggressor, one line of attack — and the consequences spread far beyond the borders of the map.

Why Zaluzhny places Ukraine and the Middle East side by side

It’s not about the coincidence of plots, but about the coincidence of mechanics

Zaluzhny writes not that the war in Ukraine and the combat conflicts in the Middle East are identical. His thought is harsher and more important: both wars became possible in a world lacking political will, responsibility, and readiness to make big, unpleasant, but necessary decisions. According to his logic, international platforms continue to discuss threats, but are increasingly failing at what they were created for — developing solutions that stop the expansion of war.

This is a key point. Not the absence of conversations. There are plenty of conversations. Not the absence of conferences. There are enough conferences too. The problem is different: the global system reacts as if it can still stretch, wait, postpone, hope for someone else’s caution. History, according to Zaluzhny, usually punishes precisely for this.

For the Israeli reader, there is nothing foreign here. Israeli society has long perceived security not as a beautiful formula, but as a daily practice of survival. Therefore, Zaluzhny’s warning is read in Israel especially directly: when aggression is not stopped in time in one place, it almost inevitably changes the balance in another.

The war in Europe has already changed the rules far beyond Europe

One of Zaluzhny’s main conclusions is that Russia’s war against Ukraine destroys not only Ukrainian cities and lives. It erodes the very notion of international law as a system that actually works, not just exists in texts, reports, and statements. In his logic, the disruption of balance in one region creates the temptation to break the balance in others.

This is where the Ukrainian plot begins to directly intersect with the Middle Eastern one. If the world shows that forceful pressure, revanchism, terror, or war of attrition can remain without a clear global response for a long time, this is perceived not only in Moscow. It is perceived by everyone who tests the boundaries of the permissible.

In the middle of this conversation, it becomes clear why such a topic is important not only to Kyiv or London but also to the Israeli media space. NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency in this context speaks not just about two wars, but about a single logic of an era in which the weakness of international reaction quickly turns into a new round of violence — first local, then regional, and then almost without geography.

Why his historical comparison should be taken seriously

Zaluzhny returns the conversation to the 20th century not for effect

In his column, he reminds of an old, unpleasant thing: any war has not only an immediate result — victory, defeat, truce — but also a long shadow of consequences. It is this shadow that often becomes the ground for the next war. As an example, he refers to the outcomes of the First World War and how the decisions after 1918 eventually created conditions for a new catastrophe in Europe.

This is an important turn of thought. Zaluzhny essentially warns not only about how wars end but also about how dangerous it is to end them incorrectly. Not to press the source of the threat. Not to create a sustainable post-war order. Not to think a generation ahead.

For Israel, this is read especially clearly. Here they understand too well the price of illusions, the price of underestimating the enemy, and the price of international recipes that sound beautiful on a forum panel but fall apart at the first real blow.

Russia in his interpretation is not just a participant in the war, but a revanchist center of pressure

Another important line in Zaluzhny’s text concerns Russia. He describes current Russian policy as an attempt at forceful revenge after the defeat in the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet empire. It is essentially about the desire to regain a dominant role in Europe and maintain or expand influence in other regions, including the Middle East.

For the Israeli audience, this is especially significant because the Middle East has long lived not only in the mode of local conflicts. It is a space where the interests of Iran, Russia, the USA, Turkey, Gulf countries, proxy structures, and global players intersect. Therefore, Zaluzhny’s view is important not as a Ukrainian comment “about us,” but as a warning: the same geopolitical weakness allows different centers of power to test the world for strength on several fronts at once.

And here his formula sounds without unnecessary rhetoric. If global-level decisions are not made in time, the world does not necessarily receive one formally declared world war. It can receive dozens of interconnected conflicts that, in their cumulative destructiveness, will work like one.

Why it is important for the Israeli reader to understand who Zaluzhny is

He is not just a commentator and not another former general

For the Israeli reader, Valeriy Zaluzhny is a figure to be perceived in two capacities at once. On one hand, he is the former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine during one of the most difficult periods of full-scale war. On the other hand, since May 2024, he officially represents Ukraine in London as the Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador to the United Kingdom. That is, today he is a person who is simultaneously connected with military practice and the diplomatic level of decision-making.

His words are therefore weighty not only as the opinion of a popular military man. This is the position of a person who has seen the war from the inside, commanded the army, and now works in one of the key capitals of the Western world, where security, supplies, alliances, and post-war order are discussed.

To Israeli society, such a figure is understandable. Here they know how to distinguish cabinet analytics from the words of a person who has experienced real command under fire. That is why Zaluzhny’s warning about the risk of a large global confrontation is perceived not as a journalistic exaggeration, but as a serious signal.

What exactly he wants to convey

The main idea of his article boils down to a simple, unpleasant conclusion: the world needs not another round of comfortable discussions, but decisions capable of stopping the spread of war. For Ukraine, this is a question of the future of children and the very right to a safe world. For Israel — too. The only difference is in geography. The meaning, alas, is the same.

When such words come from a person who first commanded an army and then found himself in diplomacy, it is difficult to dismiss them as emotions. This is no longer just a Ukrainian warning. This is a warning of the era.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Ukraine prepares missiles for strikes on Moscow – FP

Украина на фоне нехватки западного дальнобойного оружия все быстрее переводит войну в режим собственной инженерии. Речь уже не только о дронах, которые бьют по объектам в глубине России, но и о ракетных системах, которые, по оценкам Foreign Policy от 19 марта 2026 и заявлениям разработчиков, в перспективе способны достать до Москвы.

Для израильской аудитории эта тема звучит особенно внимательно. Когда страна, ведущая затяжную войну, начинает строить собственный арсенал дальнего удара, это уже не просто вопрос фронта. Это вопрос стратегической автономии, темпов военного производства и того, как быстро оборонная промышленность умеет превращать дефицит поставок в новые решения.

Почему тема ударов по Москве перестала быть чистой теорией

Как пишет Foreign Policy, украинские беспилотники уже давно наносят удары на сотни и даже тысячи километров от линии фронта. Под удар попадают энергетическая инфраструктура, склады, аэродромы и другие объекты в российском тылу. Но дроны, даже массовые и дальнобойные, не закрывают весь спектр задач, особенно когда речь идет о более тяжелом боезаряде, точности и скорости подлета.

Именно поэтому Украина, по данным издания, усиливает ставку на собственные ракетные разработки. В материале упоминаются как баллистические, так и крылатые системы. Среди них названы «Сапсан» и крылатая ракета «Фламинго», которой приписывают дальность до 3000 километров и боевую часть массой более тонны. Отдельно подчеркивается использование спутниковой навигации с защитой от помех, что должно повышать устойчивость к противодействию ПВО.

Что именно утверждает Foreign Policy

Ключевой вывод публикации звучит так: новое украинское дальнобойное оружие может не переломить войну одномоментно, но способно заметно изменить баланс давления. Если у Киева появляется арсенал, который теоретически позволяет поражать цели в любой точке России, это уже не только тактический, но и политический фактор.

В том же контексте Foreign Policy выделяет украинскую компанию Fire Point. Издание описывает ее как пример того, как локальный оборонный стартап за короткий срок вырос в крупного производителя: выпуск беспилотников увеличился с сотен единиц в 2023 году до десятков тысяч в 2024-м, а теперь компания наращивает и ракетное направление.

Fire Point, FP-7 и ставка на быстрый военный цикл

По данным публикации, Fire Point работает сразу над баллистическими ракетами разной дальности. В тексте названы модели FP-7 и FP-9. Причем именно о них говорится наиболее жестко: как утверждает сама компания, к концу лета эти ракеты смогут достигать Москвы. Это важная формулировка, и ее стоит читать аккуратно: речь пока идет о заявлении производителя, а не о подтвержденной боевой статистике.

Тем не менее сам вектор понятен. Украинские инженеры, по описанию Foreign Policy, делают ставку на ускоренный цикл разработки и производства. Используются более доступные технологические решения, собственные исследования и подход, при котором систему стараются не доводить годами до идеального лабораторного состояния, а быстрее адаптировать к условиям реальной войны.

Почему это важно не только для Украины

На этом фоне для читателей НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency история выглядит шире, чем просто очередная военная новость из Восточной Европы. Это пример того, как страна под постоянным ударом пытается сократить зависимость от внешних поставок и получить свободу в выборе целей, темпов производства и типа ответных действий.

Отдельно подчеркивается и вопрос цены. По оценкам, приведенным в материале, украинские системы обходятся дешевле западных аналогов, а значит, их проще масштабировать. В современной войне это критично: единичный дорогой комплекс может быть технологически впечатляющим, но именно серийность часто определяет, что реально меняется на поле боя, а что остается демонстрацией возможностей.

Что известно о новой украинской баллистике уже сейчас

В качестве одного из ориентиров публикация напоминает о 27 февраля, когда было обнародовано видео запуска новой украинской баллистической ракеты FP-7. Этот эпизод стал важным сигналом: проект существует не только на уровне заявлений или закрытых обсуждений, а уже выходит в публичное поле.

Эксперты, комментировавшие эту тему, обратили внимание на характерный подход разработчиков. По их мнению, Fire Point могла сознательно пойти по пути упрощения ряда решений, чтобы ускорить внедрение ракеты в условиях войны против России. Такой подход выглядит логичным: в ситуации постоянного давления и ограниченных ресурсов ставка часто делается не на технологическую избыточность, а на скорость, воспроизводимость и практичность.

Что говорил сооснователь компании

Ранее сооснователь украинской оружейной компании Fire Point Денис Штилерман сообщал о подготовке к завершению кодификации новой баллистической ракеты FP-7. Само по себе это еще не означает немедленного массового развертывания, но показывает, что проект движется не в формате концепта, а в логике выхода к формальному допуску и дальнейшему серийному применению.

И здесь возникает главный вывод. Украина, судя по этой информации, больше не ограничивается ролью получателя внешнего оружия и все заметнее превращается в страну, которая строит собственную дальнобойную ракетную архитектуру. Насколько быстро это даст реальный военный эффект, покажет время. Но уже сейчас видно другое: тема ударов по Москве больше не выглядит фантазией из заголовков. Она постепенно превращается в часть новой военной реальности, за которой в Израиле тоже будут следить очень внимательно.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Since 1976, the Ukrainian mosaic icon of the “Zarvanitsky Mother of God” in Nazareth has occupied one of the central places in the Basilica of the Annunciation – how did this happen?

Entering the churchyard of the Basilica of the Annunciation in Nazareth, you immediately notice the beautiful mosaic depicting Ukrainian Zarvanitsky Mother of Godlocated directly opposite the main entrance to the temple.

It is surprising that this image ended up in such an important place, among the mosaics of other countries – as if the Virgin Mary, revered in Ukraine, suddenly found itself among all the great icons of the world.

What is she doing here, how did she appear?

Basilica of the Annunciation (Hebrew: כנסיית הבשורה, Arabic: كنيسة البشارة, Greek: Εκκλησία του Ευαγγελισμού της Θεοτόκου) – this Catholic church was built over the site of the Annunciation – Christian tradition (Roman Catholic) claims that it was in this place (Joseph’s house) that the Archangel Gabriel informed the Virgin Mary that she would “conceive in her womb and give birth to Jesus Christ.”

Not to be confused with Church of the Annunciation over the source of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Nazareth, also known as the Greek Orthodox Church of the Archangel Gabriel over the Spring of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

The largest Christian church in the Middle East. It has the honorary status of “minor basilica”, awarded to it in 1964 by Pope Paul VI. Place of Christian pilgrimage. The monks of the Franciscan order serve in the basilica.

The first mention of a church on this site dates back to 570, and the building was an altar in the Grotto of the Annunciation. More about long history of the church (for those interested) on Wikipedia.

The construction of the new basilica building, which still exists today, was completed in 1969 and the Basilica was consecrated on March 23, 1969.

The initiative arose after the Basilica of the Annunciation, built in modern style in 1969, opened its doors to mosaic icons from around the world.

The walls of the main hall of the upper part of the temple are decorated with images of the most important temples of the Virgin Mary in the world. But because the internal space of the basilica is obviously limited, we see only 17 images there, illustrating the reading of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the world.

Other (more than 50) images of different peoples and countries create a wonderful wreath in the outer gallery, surrounding the Nazarene Temple in a semicircle.

Noteworthy is the peculiarity of conveying the image of the Virgin Mary as it is perceived by artists of different nations and races.

The idea to create mosaic icon of the Zarvanitsky Mother of God belongs to representatives of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC).

Every country (Catholic churches – ed.) were invited to present their unique image of the Virgin MaryAnd Ukraine (UGCC), chose the Zarvanitsky Mother of Godwhich is one of the most revered shrines of the Ukrainian people (from Greek Catholics -ed.).

As a result of the pseudo-council in Lviv in March 1946 The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church was liquidated on the territory of the USSR. A significant part of its property was transferred to the Russian Orthodox Church, and believers and clergy were forcibly forced to renounce their church. The UGCC was legalized in Ukraine in 1989.

Entering the church yard to the main entrance to the Basilica, a beautiful mosaic of the Ukrainian Zarvanytsia Mother of God immediately catches your eye, to the right of the entrance.

We see a copy Zarvanitskaya Mother of Godframed by carefully selected Ukrainian landscapes, among images of two of the greatest Ukrainian churches: Kyiv St. Sophia and Lviv St. George.

Icon of the Zarvanitsa Mother of Godin question, represents an important religious symbol for Ukraine. It is located in Zarvanytsia (Ternopil region), on the territory of the holy complex of the same name, which is one of the main Christian pilgrimage sites in Ukraine. Dates from the middle of the 17th century. According to legend, there was also an image from the 13th century.

On both sides of the icon are two pairs of pilgrims in Poltava and Hutsul folk clothes – representatives of the Eastern and Western lands of Ukraine in bow to the Most Holy Zarvanitskaya Mother of God.

Above the mosaic picture we read the inscription: “For all generations will call me blessed” (Luke 1:48), and under the image there is a pleading call: “Most Holy Mother of God, pray for Your Ukrainian people”. The origin of the icon is explained below in Latin: “Miracle-working Mother of God – Zarvanitsa – Ukraine”.

This one is wonderful The image of the Zarvanitsky Mother of God belongs to creativity sisters (religious institute – ed.) Vasily Chikalo (Vasiliya Chykalo – Ukrainian) (d. 2012), “Servants of the Immaculate Virgin Mary” (auto), natives of Podolia (Ukraine), who then lived in Poland.

The initiator and sponsor of this project, which was completed in the summer of 1976when Vasily Chikalo was in the Main House of the “Servant Sisters” in Rome, there was a father of holy memory (religious institute – ed.) Vasily Turkovid, priest of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in New Ulm in Germany.

He, together with the then “Proto-Archimandrite of the Basilian Order, Fr. Isidore Patril“, CHSVV (The Order of St. Basil the Great (lat. Ordo Sancti Basilii Magni), also ChSVV, the Basilian Order of St. Josaphat, the Basilian Fathers – one of the main monastic orders of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.), made great efforts to obtain this place of honor for Zarvanitsky Mother of God in Nazareth.

According to their instructions, Sister Servant Vasily Chikalo painted the image, and the mosaic itself was executed by a specialized Italian company in Milan under the careful supervision of Fr. Isidora Patrila.

What a story!

….

Read on WhatsApp – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Read on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

“Secret cargo” from Russia to Iran: why the IDF strike on the Caspian became more than just a new attack

On the evening of March 18, 2026, Israel for the first time in the current war confirmed a strike on targets in northern Iran — on Iranian naval facilities in Bandar Anzali on the Caspian Sea coast. The IDF separately emphasized that the operation was carried out by the Air Force based on intelligence from Naval Intelligence and military intelligence, and the strike itself marked the first entry of this war into the Caspian direction.

For the Israeli audience, this is not exotic geography or a secondary episode. The Caspian has long been considered almost a rear zone for the Moscow–Tehran connection. That is why the very fact of the strike on Bandar Anzali looks like a signal: Israel has begun to hit not only the launch sites, bases, and industry of Iran, but also the routes through which the regime receives external support.

Why the Caspian suddenly stopped being a distant rear

Bandar Anzali is not just a port, but a working corridor between Tehran and Moscow

Israeli sources directly call Bandar Anzali a key node of the Caspian route between Iran and Russia. According to their data, after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Caspian became an important corridor for military supplies: ships between the Iranian ports of Anzali and Amirabad and Russian Astrakhan regularly turned off tracking systems and ferried cargo, and the route itself was used for the transfer of drones, ammunition, and other military supplies.

This is important also because now, judging by reports from the Western press, the flow works not only from Iran to Russia, as before, but also in the opposite direction. The Wall Street Journal wrote that Moscow expanded intelligence sharing with Tehran, transmits satellite data and components for the refinement of Shahed, and also shares the practice of their use obtained in the war against Ukraine. The Kremlin publicly denies this and calls such publications fake, but the dispute itself already shows how sensitive this supply line has become.

What is known about the cargo itself — and what remains in the gray zone

The publicly confirmed fact at the moment is one: Israel struck Iranian naval targets in Bandar Anzali, and this port is connected with the military exchange route between Iran and Russia. The detailed composition of the specific cargo has not been officially disclosed by the IDF or in open confirmed reports. Therefore, formulations about the ‘secret cargo’ and the exact set of components should be perceived as a version circulating in regional media, rather than as an already proven official investigation result.

But even without this detail, the meaning of the operation is quite clear. If the strike is not on a random boat somewhere on the shore, but on the Caspian node of the Iranian fleet, through which a sensitive communication route with Russia passes, then the target becomes the logistics of the war itself. Not a picture. Not a symbol. The supply channel.

Why this is important specifically for Israel

The strike hit the line where the Iranian threat and Russian war experience converge

Here begins the most unpleasant for Tehran — and the most indicative for Israel. According to publications referenced by Reuters and Israeli publications, Russia not only supports Iran politically. It is about satellite information, improving communication, navigation, and targeting for drones, as well as transferring tactical experience of mass drone use. That is, in fact, about transferring Ukrainian military experience to the Middle Eastern theater.

And this already directly concerns Israel. Because it is not about distant technical exchange somewhere on paper, but about technologies and methods that can increase the effectiveness of Iranian strikes on American targets in the region, on the countries of the Persian Gulf, and on Israel itself. In such logic, the Caspian ceases to be a ‘foreign sea’ and becomes another part of the front.

It is at this point that the broader meaning becomes clear, which has already been repeatedly noted by Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency: Israel’s war with Iran has long not been limited to a missile duel and strikes on nuclear or military infrastructure. It increasingly rests on the network of external support for Iran — from satellite data and drone refinements to sea routes that connect Tehran with Moscow.

The geography of the war has changed — and this is bad news for Tehran

The Times of Israel and Israel Hayom directly note: the strike on Bandar Anzali expanded the maritime theater of war beyond the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. And this is perhaps the main outcome of the whole story. Until now, Iranian logistics on the Caspian looked relatively protected because it was far from the usual map of the Israeli-Iranian confrontation. Now this is no longer the case.

For Iran, this means that there are fewer and fewer safe internal routes. For Russia, that participation in fueling the Iranian military machine no longer looks like something remote and unpunished. And for Israel, this is essentially a new stage of the war: a strike not only on the enemy’s weapons but also on the nerves of the system that collects, transports, updates, and returns this weapon to battle.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Russian-speaking lawyer in Haifa and Tel Aviv: why it is valued in Israel

In Israel, language in legal matters is not just a means of communication. It is a tool for protection. For Russian-speaking immigrants, entrepreneurs, and families, choosing a lawyer who is fluent in both Russian and Hebrew often becomes a decisive factor in the outcome of a case.

When a person faces a court, ministry, Ministry of Internal Affairs, or another state structure, they are dealing with a system where there are no “approximate formulations.” Any inaccuracy, misunderstood word, or incorrectly prepared document can lead to refusal, delays in the process, or financial losses.

That is why the official website of Ariel Katsman’s law office — https://katsmanlaw.co.il/ — is important not as a showcase, but as a working tool for clients who need legal assistance in Russian and Hebrew in Tel Aviv, Haifa, and northern Israel.

Russian-speaking lawyer in Haifa and Tel Aviv: why it is valued in Israel
Russian-speaking lawyer in Haifa and Tel Aviv: why it is valued in Israel

Why “lawyer in Russian” is not just language knowledge

In Israel, you can find specialists who formally speak Russian. But legal support is not a casual conversation. A Russian-speaking lawyer is a specialist who understands how the client thinks, from which system of coordinates they came, and what mistakes immigrants most often make.

It is about the ability to explain complex legal processes in simple, understandable language, without distorting the meaning. This is especially important in family disputes, labor conflicts, repatriation issues, and criminal cases, where the cost of a mistake can be too high.

Israeli legal system: where problems most often arise

Israeli law combines elements of the British system, local legislation, and case law. All key processes — courts, Ministry of Internal Affairs, ministries, notarial actions — are conducted exclusively in Hebrew.

For a Russian-speaking client, this means dependence on the quality of translation and interpretation. A Russian-speaking lawyer completely removes this risk, as they work directly with documents, courts, and agencies, not through intermediaries.

Geography of work: Tel Aviv, Haifa, and Krayot

Ariel Katsman’s law office practices in Tel Aviv and Haifa, and also works with clients in Krayot — Kiryat Ata, Kiryat Bialik, Kiryat Motzkin, Kiryat Yam, Kiryat Haim, as well as in Nesher and Tirat Carmel.

Such geographical coverage is important not only for client convenience. It allows for prompt participation in court hearings, meetings with government representatives, and accompanying transactions or processes on-site.

Transparency of work and confidentiality

Legal issues are always associated with personal data, documents, and sensitive information. Therefore, it is fundamentally important to understand how the law office works with confidential information.

A detailed privacy policy is available on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/privacy-policy. This section is especially important for clients who provide the lawyer with documents related to family status, business, or immigration issues.

Legal services: when a comprehensive approach is needed

In Israel, one legal problem rarely exists in isolation. A family dispute may affect real estate issues, and a labor conflict may affect immigration status. Therefore, it is important that the law office provides a wide and structured range of services.

The full list of areas of work is available on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug. This section allows the client to immediately understand whether the lawyer can accompany the case entirely, without transferring it to other specialists.

Notarial services: a formality on which the result depends

In Israel, notarial actions play a key role in matters of powers of attorney, translations, real estate transactions, and official statements. An error at this stage can render the document invalid.

The description of notarial services is posted on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/notarialnye-uslugi. This section is especially important for immigrants who are processing documents for Israeli and foreign authorities.

Labor conflicts: one of the most common problems

Labor disputes between employer and employee are one of the most common categories of cases in Israel. New immigrants, who are not fully familiar with local labor legislation, especially often face them.

The practice of labor conflicts is described in detail here: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/trudovye-konflikty. This section helps to understand in which situations it is worth contacting a lawyer and what rights the employee or employer has.

Family law: when emotions interfere with protecting interests

Family cases in Israel are one of the most complex and sensitive categories. Divorces, property division, alimony, child custody, and inheritance disputes are often accompanied by strong emotional tension, which prevents people from soberly assessing the legal consequences of their decisions.

A detailed description of the practice in the field of family law is posted on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/semejnoe-pravo-a. This section is especially important for Russian-speaking clients who are encountering the Israeli judicial system for the first time and do not always understand the difference between religious and civil courts.

Real estate in Israel: transactions where there are no trifles

Buying or selling real estate in Israel is always a legally complex process. It is not only about the purchase and sale agreement but also about checking property rights, taxes, obligations to the developer or third parties.

The practice of accompanying real estate transactions is described in detail here: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/nedvizhimost. For immigrants, this section is especially valuable, as errors in documents can lead to serious financial losses or legal disputes.

Repatriation, citizenship, and residency status

Immigration issues are one of the key reasons why Russian-speaking clients turn to a lawyer in Israel. Errors in submitting documents, incomplete data, or incorrectly chosen strategy can lead to refusals and long delays.

Repatriation, citizenship, and status issues are detailed on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/repatriaciya-grazhdanstvo-stupro-status-na-zhitelstvo-v-izraile. This section helps to understand in which cases it is worth seeking legal support rather than trying to solve the issue independently.

Criminal and military law: when the cost of a mistake is maximal

Criminal and military cases in Israel require special experience and caution. Even a seemingly minor violation can have serious consequences — from fines to restriction of freedom.

The description of practice in the field of criminal and military law is available at https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/ugolovnoe-i-voennoe-pravo. This section is especially important for clients who are serving or have become involved in a criminal process for the first time.

Civil law and compensations

Civil disputes and compensation issues are another common category of cases. It is about recovering damages, road traffic accidents, insurance disputes, and liability of parties.

Civil law practice is presented on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/grazhdanskoe-pravo, and compensation and traffic accident issues are detailed here: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/perechen-uslug/vzyskanie-ushherba-voprosy-kompensacij-dorozhnotranspornye-avarii. These sections help clients understand when and to what extent they are entitled to compensation.

Licenses and professional status of a lawyer

In Israel, having a license and official lawyer status is not a formality but a mandatory condition for legal practice. The client has the right to check in advance with whom they are working.

Information about licenses is posted on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/nashi_litsenzii, as well as in the Hebrew version of the site: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/he/our-licenses. This is an important indicator of transparency and trust.

Exclusive services and solutions for clients

In addition to standard legal services, the office offers additional solutions aimed at complex and non-standard situations.

Exclusive advantages for clients are described here: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/nashi-eksklyuzivnyye-preimushchestva. Separate services for business clients are highlighted: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/eksklyuzivnyye-uslugi-dlya-biznes-kliyentov, as well as solutions related to visa status: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/eksklyuzivnyye-uslugi-v-oblasti-vizovogo-statusa.

Won cases as an indicator of practice

For many clients, not only the list of services is important but also the real results of the lawyer’s work. Won cases allow assessing practical experience.

The general list of cases is available at https://katsmanlaw.co.il/vyigrannye-dela. Separate cases on business conflicts, debtor protection, real estate, family law, residency status, as well as criminal and transport law are presented.

Client reviews and feedback

Client reviews are another important guide when choosing a lawyer. They allow understanding how communication and case support are structured.

Reviews in Russian are posted here: https://katsmanlaw.co.il/otzyvy, and reviews in Hebrew are on the page https://katsmanlaw.co.il/he/reviews-about-us.

Conclusion: why a Russian-speaking lawyer is truly valued

A Russian-speaking lawyer in Israel is not a marketing slogan but a practical advantage. It is precise formulations, understandable explanations, competent strategy, and the absence of language risks.

That is why the lawyer in Russian and Hebrew, Ariel Katsman, is in demand in Tel Aviv, Haifa, and Krayot. When language ceases to be a barrier, legal protection becomes effective.


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Jews from Ukraine: Yevhen “Benya” Yatsyna, the youngest Ukrainian “cyborg” who died in January 2015 defending Donetsk airport

In Ukraine, January 20 is observed as the Day of Remembrance for the Defenders of Donetsk Airport. It marks the anniversary of the end of the battles for the airfield. The events of those days became an important milestone in the modern history of the country. The battles for the Donetsk Airport lasted from May 26, 2014, to January 22, 2015 — 242 days of fierce resistance by Ukrainian warriors against Russian occupation forces.

For many, this is not a “commemorative date” or a formality. Donetsk Airport became one of the first symbols of Russian aggression against Ukraine — long before the full-scale invasion. It was there that what would be repeated over and over again first manifested in a concentrated form: when the enemy cannot break the defense in direct combat, they try to destroy the point of resistance itself along with the people, turning the building into a mass grave.

On this day, all the “cyborgs” — the defenders of the airport — are remembered. But in the section “Jews from Ukraine“, it is impossible to overlook the name Yevhen Yatsyna, call sign “Benya” — the youngest cyborg warrior who died in January 2015 in the new terminal of Donetsk Airport.

More about the defense of Donetsk Airport – “People endured, concrete did not”: in Ukraine, January 20 is the Day of Remembrance for the Defenders of Donetsk Airport

Who is Yevhen Yatsyna and why his call sign is especially resonant

Yevhen was born on January 25, 1989. A native of Kyiv, Pechersk. He studied at the Kyiv National Linguistic University, in the Faculty of Economics. Friends remembered him as a star of the university KVN and a “one-man band” — bright, lively, very sociable.

The nickname “Benya” was part of his life even before the front, and later became his call sign. And in this detail, there is an important intonation for the Jewish community: Yevhen greeted friends with the word “shalom”, responded to “Benya”, and this manner of communication was remembered by many more strongly than any official biographies. It was later reported that Yevhen’s mother was Jewish, and he himself had visited Israel and been to Jerusalem.

These strokes are important not for “origin for the sake of origin”. They show that the Jewish line in Yevhen’s history is not a decorative signature at the end, but part of his living language, habits, and connections.

The Defense of Donetsk Airport: Why It Became a Symbol

The defense of the airport lasted for months. The new terminal was turning into ruins right during the battles — under shelling, assaults, explosions. There, the war was fought not on a map, but on stairs, corridors, breaches in walls. People held positions in conditions where every day could be the last.

The word “cyborgs” appeared as an attempt to explain what seemed impossible: Ukrainian soldiers held on so persistently that even the enemy called them “not human”. And this is an important point for understanding the modern war: the Russian side from the very beginning acted on the logic of destruction, not “negotiations” or “disputes”.

Then, in 2015, the terminal was blown up, and part of the defenders ended up under the rubble. Today, in the years of full-scale war, the same principle works throughout the country: strikes on cities, energy, residential buildings — to destroy not only the defense but also the ability of society to live.

The Last Connection and Days That Ended in the Terminal

The last time Yevhen, a soldier of the 81st Brigade of the 90th Separate Airmobile Battalion, made contact was on January 18, 2015. He was definitely in the new terminal of Donetsk Airport that day.

According to his comrades, on January 19, he was wounded (a torn wound on the cheek) and concussed.
On the evening of January 20, Yevhen was caught under the collapse of the airport building after an explosion. His comrades pulled him out from under the rubble. According to them, he had fractures in both legs and a severe spinal injury — he could no longer move. He had a tag with his surname and individual code.

He did not live to see his 26th birthday — January 25 was just a few days away.

Different testimonies record different dates of death — January 19, 20, or 21. But the meaning is the same: Yevhen died in the last days of the defense of the new terminal, at the very point where the war led to the literal collapse of the building on people.

“To Georgiy Borisovich, shalom…”: Words of Georgiy Tuka

Volunteer Georgiy Tuka remembered Yevhen briefly and as one speaks of a close person — without unnecessary “literature”:

“Zhenya. Zhenya Yatsyna. Call sign ‘Benya’. A native of Kyiv. Pechersk. 25 years old. I met Zhenya back when the battalion was stationed in Zhytomyr. Zhenya had the opportunity to ‘dodge’ the draft, but as a man, as a citizen, he did not do this, and honestly went to fulfill his duty. Zhenya was the youngest fighter in the battalion. Without exaggeration, everyone’s favorite. The funniest, most sociable, most contactable. Every time our phone conversation started with the words: To Georgiy Borisovich, shalom!… Still a lump in the throat…”

This quote holds what is often lacking in official memory: voice, habit, life. Not a “hero’s portrait”, but a person who is truly missed.

“Jerusalem Thread”: A Story from His Mother

Yevhen’s mother, Svetlana, said that her son died due to closed fractures of the legs. And she recalled a detail that really brings a lump to many throats:

Once she brought a Jerusalem thread from Israel. When Zhenya came from Zhytomyr, she secretly sewed this thread into his uniform — into pockets, cuffs, “everywhere”. She did it quietly because her son considered such things “nonsense”.

But before leaving for Vodiane, Yevhen put on Pavlo Tuka’s pants — his own were dirty. And later, when the mother found out about this, she said: “Well, now it’s clear why it was the legs — there were no mother’s threads on the pants.”

This story is not about mysticism or “amulets”. It’s about a mother’s attempt to keep her son alive by any means, even the most inconspicuous. And about how war breaks such attempts mercilessly and routinely.

Help from Friends and What They Didn’t Have Time to Deliver

After Yevhen went to the army, friends collected over 40,000 hryvnias on social networks for a thermal imager, thermal underwear, and protective equipment. But they didn’t have time to deliver it to him.

This detail very accurately shows how Ukraine lived in the early years of the war: the front was held not only on orders and headquarters but also on horizontal support — when people collected money “from the world by a thread” to protect a specific fighter. Sometimes they made it. Sometimes — not.

Kyiv Bids Farewell to “Benya”: Funeral, Community Memory, “Wall of Memory” and State Award

After the death of Yevhen Yatsyna (“Benya”), his body was delivered to Dnipropetrovsk and then transported to Kyiv. The funeral took place on February 20, 2015 at Berkovets Cemetery — in the part associated with the relocation of burials from the destroyed Lukyanivka Jewish Cemetery. This place itself became symbolic: Kyiv buried its defender where the city had once tried to preserve Jewish memory, which was being destroyed.

The farewell took place at the Pechersk Military Hospital, followed by a military ceremony and burial. It was reported that the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine Moshe-Reuven Asman participated in the ceremony — an important detail for understanding how the Jewish community perceived this loss: not as a “foreign war”, but as their personal pain.

In the same 2015, at the Central Brodsky Synagogue in Kyiv, Yevhen’s mother was awarded the “Pride of the Community” award — “for the hero son”. For the section “Jews from Ukraine”, this is not a formality or a “religious touch”. It is a marker that the community recognized Yevhen as one of their own — and saw him off as they would their sons.

Memory That Doesn’t End with the Funeral: University and School

The memory of “Benya” was also preserved in the places where he lived before the war — in educational institutions.

On October 11, 2015, at the Kyiv National Linguistic University, a memorial plaque was unveiled in memory of graduate Yevhen Yatsyna by the efforts of students. This is an important moment: the memory was not “imposed from above”, it was made by the young — those who believed that the name should remain within the university walls.

Separately, there is the story with the school. In Kyiv, in the city center, at School No. 53, where Yevhen studied from 1995 to 2005, a memorial plaque was opened for the fallen “cyborg”. His mother said that a “very positive photograph” was chosen for the plaque — the one that best reflected her son’s character: he was cheerful, lively, contactable. The idea came from friends and classmates — the memory was made by people who knew him not by biography, but by school corridors and common conversations.

“Benya” — the youngest “cyborg”: the Jewish story of Yevhen Yatsyna in the memory of Donetsk Airport
“Benya” — the youngest “cyborg”: the Jewish story of Yevhen Yatsyna in the memory of Donetsk Airport

“Wall of Memory of Those Who Fell for Ukraine”: Portrait and Exact Location

Another point of Kyiv’s memory is the memorial “Wall of Memory of Those Who Fell for Ukraine”, open to the urban space. This place is arranged so that a person can come and find a specific face — not “in the general list”, but nearby, at arm’s length.

Yevhen Yatsyna’s portrait on the “Wall of Memory” is placed with precise marking: section 5, row 3, place 38. This precision turns memory into action: you can come and stop right at his portrait.

In recent years, the “Wall of Memory” has also become part of the public diplomacy of memory: Volodymyr Zelensky often brings foreign guests there to show the cost of Russian aggression not in the language of statistics, but with the faces of the fallen.

Order “For Courage” III Degree: Fixing the Feat at the State Level

The feat of Yevhen Yatsyna is also enshrined in a state document. He was awarded the Order “For Courage” III Degree (posthumously).

The basis is Presidential Decree of Ukraine No. 270/2015 of May 15, 2015. The decree states that the award is given “for personal courage and high professionalism shown in the defense of the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, loyalty to the military oath”.

Together, these elements — the funeral in Kyiv, community participation, memorial plaques, portrait on the “Wall of Memory”, and state order — form a coherent line: Yevhen Yatsyna did not dissolve in the war as “one of”. He remained a name, a face, and a story — for Ukraine and for the Jewish community, which shared this loss as their own.

Knesset and Words About the Contribution of Jews from Ukraine

On December 23, 2015, during a speech in the Knesset, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko said a phrase that still sounds like a political and human testimony:

“In confronting external aggression, our country has revived its army. And in this army, citizens of Ukraine of different nationalities are fighting. And we are proud of the contribution that Jews make to the defense of the country. I cannot but recall the glorious cyborg warrior who died in January this year at Donetsk Airport, Yevhen Yatsyna with the call sign ‘Benya’. We are proud of his feat. Posthumously, he was awarded the state order ‘For Courage’.”

This is not just a “mention of a name”. It is a public acknowledgment that the Jewish community of Ukraine is not an observer and not a “separate topic”, but part of the resistance to Russian aggression.

And this is especially important now, when Russia continues the war and continues to try to blur responsibility, substitute cause-and-effect relationships, and play the card of societal division. Stories of such people break this propaganda because they are very simple and very direct: a citizen of Ukraine went to defend the country, died, and he is remembered — by the state, the university, and the community.

Why the Story of “Benya” Sounds Sharper Today Than Ten Years Ago

Donetsk Airport was one of the first places where the war showed its true face. Back then, many still hoped that “everything would end soon”. Today, after the full-scale invasion, it has become clear: Russian aggression is a long-term project of destruction, exhaustion, terror in the rear, and an attempt to erase identity.

Against this background, the story of Yevhen Yatsyna looks not like an “episode of the past”, but as a point from which much began. It shows that resistance in Ukraine was initially nationwide — including with the participation of the Jewish community, which provided the country with warriors, volunteers, doctors, support for the families of the fallen, and public memory.

And in the end, there remains a simple formula that sounds especially honest in the section “Jews from Ukraine“:

Memory is us with you. As long as we name names and tell stories in living words, the war cannot turn people into impersonal numbers. NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency.


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The little man inside the big occupation: Russian archaeologist Butyagin will be extradited to Ukraine on charges of illegal excavations in annexed Crimea and looting of historical artifacts

A Polish court has deemed the extradition of Russian archaeologist Alexander Butyagin to Ukraine permissible. Full story: Myrmekion, excavations in annexed Crimea, Article 298 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, damage exceeding 200 million UAH, the debate over sanctions, and why this case is significant far beyond archaeology.

The story of Alexander Butyagin is already being reduced to a convenient formula: “a scientist is being persecuted for science.” But if you trace the entire chain from the beginning, a completely different picture emerges. Before 2014, the Russian archaeologist worked in Ukrainian Crimea under one legal framework, after 2014 — under another. It is precisely on this rupture that both the Ukrainian accusation and the Polish extradition procedure are built today, as well as the broader debate about whether it is possible to continue excavating, publishing findings, and pretending that politics has nothing to do with it under occupation.

On March 18, 2026, the Warsaw District Court deemed the extradition of Russian archaeologist Alexander Butyagin to Ukraine legally permissible. This does not mean immediate transfer: the defense has already announced an appeal, and after the court decision comes into force, the final decision on the Polish procedure is made by the Minister of Justice. But the meaning of the step itself is already clear: the Polish court did not see insurmountable obstacles to extradition at this stage.

Butyagin is not a random figure. He is an employee of the Russian State Hermitage Museum, head of the sector of ancient archaeology of the Northern Black Sea region, and since 1999 has led the Myrmekion archaeological expedition in Kerch. The settlement of Myrmekion itself is an ancient Greek colony founded in the first half of the 6th century BC, one of the significant archaeological sites of eastern Crimea.

Myrmekion (Greek Μυρμήκιον) — founded by Ionian Greeks in the mid-6th century BC on the shore of the Kerch Strait, an ancient city that was part of the Bosporan Kingdom. It was located east of Panticapaeum (modern Quarantine Cape within Kerch). It is a cultural heritage monument of Ukraine of national significance (protection No. 010015-N).The area of the settlement is over 6 hectares.

What exactly happened and why this case did not start in Poland

A small man within a large occupation: Russian archaeologist Butyagin will be extradited to Ukraine on charges of illegal excavations in annexed Crimea and looting of historical artifacts
A small man within a large occupation: Russian archaeologist Butyagin will be extradited to Ukraine on charges of illegal excavations in annexed Crimea and looting of historical artifacts

Butyagin’s story did not begin with his arrest in Warsaw, but with excavations in Crimea. And here it is important to immediately remove the confusion often used in polemics. The fact that he is a Russian archaeologist and an employee of the Hermitage did not automatically make his work in Crimea illegal until 2014. Ukrainian legislation allowed archaeological research with Ukrainian permits and an “open sheet,” and Butyagin himself claimed in interviews that before the annexation, permits for the expedition were obtained in Kyiv through the museum’s management. So, at the starting point, it was not about a “self-willed outsider,” but about a Russian expedition operating within the Ukrainian legal framework.

After the annexation of Crimea in 2014, this logic broke down.

For Russia, the peninsula became “its territory,” for Ukraine, the EU, and international organizations — an occupied Ukrainian territory. Excavations continued, but Ukrainian permits were no longer available. This is where the main legal knot of the case arose: not in the mere fact that a Russian archaeologist works in Crimea, but in the fact that after 2014, according to Kyiv, he continued to do so without the consent of the state, which international law continues to consider the sovereign of the peninsula.

Ukrainian law enforcement officials informed Butyagin of suspicion in absentia in 2024. According to materials cited by human rights and media sources, he is accused of illegal work at the archaeological heritage site Myrmekion and partial damage to the monument. The Ukrainian side estimates the damage at more than 200 million UAH. In November 2024, he was put on the wanted list, and then the case reached the international level.

In early December 2025, Butyagin was detained in Poland while traveling through Warsaw during a European lecture tour; different publications mention the date December 4, and the detention was widely reported publicly on December 11. Ukraine officially sent an extradition request on December 23. On January 13, the Polish prosecutor’s office supported the Ukrainian position, in January the court extended his detention, and on March 3, the arrest was extended until June 1. On March 18, the court deemed the extradition permissible.

This entire path is important: it is not a one-time political statement, but an already formalized European procedure.

A separate episode that amplified the case in the public space is related to a 2022 discovery. According to Ukrainian sources cited by human rights activists, Butyagin’s expedition discovered 30 gold coins, 26 of which bore the name of Alexander the Great, and 4 from the time of Philip III Arrhidaeus. For the Russian museum and archaeological community, this was presented as a major scientific discovery. For Kyiv, it was yet another proof that excavations are being conducted on occupied territory and valuable artifacts are being removed outside the Ukrainian permit regime.

Under which articles he is accused and what is wrong with the formula “up to 10 years”

According to publicly available materials that can now be verified, Butyagin is charged in Ukraine under part 4 of Article 298 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. This provision is related to illegal actions concerning cultural heritage objects if they are committed with the aim of searching for movable items of archaeological origin. The current public version of the article specifies a punishment of 2 to 5 years of imprisonment with a possible prohibition on holding certain positions or engaging in certain activities.

If you break down the provision a bit more precisely, Article 298 is structured as follows: part 1 concerns illegal archaeological and other earthworks at an archaeological heritage site; parts 2 and 3 — intentional destruction, damage, or harm to cultural heritage objects, including monuments of national significance; and part 4 increases responsibility if actions under parts 2 or 3 were committed specifically for the purpose of searching for movable items from archaeological heritage. This construction explains why Butyagin’s case is presented not as a dispute over paperwork, but as a criminal plot about damaging the object and searching for artifacts.

At the same time, some publications indeed featured the formula that Butyagin faces “up to 10 years.”

Such a figure appeared in some early media retellings and Russian publications. But later, both Polish prosecutorial spokesman Piotr Skiba and Ukrainian human rights sources spoke specifically about the risk of up to five years, which coincides with the open text of part 4 of Article 298 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.

The same applies to the word “plundering.” In journalism, it sounds strong, but legally it is more accurate to write this way: Ukraine accuses Butyagin of illegal excavations, damage to the monument, and illegal handling of finds discovered during these works. Reuters in December 2025 wrote about Ukrainian accusations of unauthorized excavation and plundering historical artifacts.

There is also another important nuance.

The Russian side and some of Butyagin’s colleagues insist that the finds were not taken from Crimea to St. Petersburg but remained on the balance of the Eastern Crimean Museum-Reserve. This does not negate the Ukrainian accusation because for Kyiv the problem begins earlier — already in the very fact of excavations on occupied territory without its permission. But as a defense argument, this thesis will clearly continue to be used.

It is at this point that it becomes clear why the plot ceased to be narrowly specialized. For NAnovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, the importance here is not only the fate of one scientist but the precedent itself: Europe is showing for the first time so specifically that cultural heritage in Crimea is not a “gray area outside politics,” but part of the big question of sovereignty, occupation, and future responsibility.

Why this case is more than the case of one archaeologist

The most convenient version for Moscow is the formula “a scientist is being persecuted for science.” It is emotional and therefore catchy. But from the perspective of the international framework, the problem looks different. The EU in 2025 officially extended restrictive measures related to the illegal annexation of Crimea, directly calling it illegal annexation. And UNESCO’s recommendation on international principles of archaeological excavations speaks even more harshly: a state occupying the territory of another state must refrain from conducting archaeological excavations on occupied territory.

This does not mean that Butyagin’s guilt has already been proven on the merits. But it directly follows another: the thesis “we were just doing science” does not automatically remove the legal problem. If the territory is considered occupied, archaeology there ceases to be just science. It becomes an action within the regime of control over someone else’s heritage, and sometimes — an instrument of its reformation. That is why Butyagin’s case is so painful for the museum and academic community: it undermines the familiar formula “we are outside politics.”

And here the important question we have already discussed arises: how could a Russian archaeologist even dig in Ukrainian Crimea?

The answer shows where the boundary between the old and new reality lies. Before 2014, he could work there within the framework of Ukrainian law. After 2014 — no longer, if there was no permission from Kyiv. Therefore, the criminal conflict did not begin with Butyagin’s biography itself and not with his nationality, but with the continuation of work under occupation conditions.

If the appeal in Poland does not change the situation, the case will move further along the Polish extradition procedure to the Minister of Justice. If extradition fails for some reason, some human rights lawyers allow for another scenario: transferring materials to the Polish side for possible prosecution already in Poland. This is not yet the main path and not a decision made, but as a legal option, it is being discussed.

A small man within a large occupation — but this does not negate responsibility

On a personal level, Butyagin may not look like the architect of war or an official of the occupation administration, but as a narrow specialist who has been engaged in one monument for many years. There is human drama in this. He indeed excavated Myrmekion for decades, lived with this object, and, judging by his own explanations, considered continuing work after 2014 “necessary and right” in relation to the monument itself. That is why the case is so easily sold to the public as a story about a “small man” caught in the gears of geopolitics.

But here lies an unpleasant boundary.

Occupation is sustained not only by generals, tanks, and flags. It is also sustained by people who make it everyday: administrators, museum workers, teachers, restorers, archaeologists. Not all of them are equal in the scale of guilt. Not all of them are the main ones.

But this does not mean that they do not bear responsibility. If a person continues to work on occupied territory as if international law has already been abolished, they sooner or later face the fact that the legal bill still comes. This framework is confirmed by both the EU’s position on Crimea and UNESCO’s norm on excavations on occupied territory.

Therefore, the most accurate formula here is probably this. Yes, Butyagin is not the main figure of the Russian occupation of Crimea. Yes, on a human level, he may be a “small man” within a large state machine. But the illegality of the occupation itself does not disappear because of this. And those who continued to work there after 2014 should have understood: the immunity of the word “science” is not eternal. This is perhaps the main meaning of the whole story.

That is why Ukraine, in general principle, looks stronger here.

Not because any Russian scientist is automatically guilty, but because you cannot first seize territory, then declare it yours, and then conduct excavations, formalize findings, and say that it is just academic routine. But now it is important for Kyiv not to fall into propaganda and to bring the case purely legally: with proven episodes, a clear causal link, and a careful procedural basis. Only then will Butyagin’s story become a real international precedent, not just a loud headline for a few days.

Why the argument “what about the Golan?” does not save Butyagin

One of the most predictable comments under such an article will sound like this: if Russian excavations in Crimea are a violation, then why are “Israeli works on the Golan supposedly permissible”? It is better to answer this question honestly, not with a slogan.

According to the UN and EU position, the Golan Heights are not recognized as Israeli territory: the UN Security Council in resolution 497 declared the extension of Israeli law to the Golan “null and void,” and UN structures in 2025–2026 continue to use the formula occupied Syrian Golan. The EU also explicitly states that it does not recognize Israeli sovereignty over the Golan. Meanwhile, the US has recognized the Golan as part of Israel since 2019.

That is, the status of the Golan in international politics is disputed, not “closed once and for all.”

But this does not mean that Crimea and the Golan are the same case. On Crimea, the EU’s position is much stricter and more unequivocal: Brussels directly calls it illegally annexed by Russia Ukrainian territory and for this reason extends a separate sanctions regime. There is no Western recognition of Russian sovereignty over Crimea (even Iran has not recognized it). Therefore, in the European legal logic, Butyagin falls not into a “gray zone of disputed territory,” but into a case about activities on territory that Europe continues to consider Ukrainian and illegally annexed by Russia.

There is also another difference that proponents of such a comparison usually prefer to remain silent about.

Israel’s control over the Golan arose after the 1967 war and has been discussed for decades within the framework of the security of northern Israel, Syrian shelling, and subsequent international negotiations. Before 1967, Syrian artillery and sniper fire was conducted from the heights on Israeli areas below, and during the war itself, Syria continued shelling northern Israeli villages. This does not make the international legal dispute over the Golan disappear, but it shows: the historical context here is different. Crimea “joined” Russia not through a security negotiation framework, but through the 2014 annexation, which the EU officially qualifies as a violation of international law.

That is why the argument “whose then are the Golan?” is weak for Butyagin’s case.

Even if someone considers Israeli actions on the Golan legal, and someone does not, this does not automatically make Russian excavations in Crimea legal. International law does not work on the principle “if it is disputed in one place, then it is allowed in another.” For this article, a strong formula is this: the question of the Golan does not cancel the question of Crimea, but only shows that territorial disputes differ in origin, international support, and legal consequences. And in the case of Crimea, the European position today is much more straightforward and strict than Butyagin’s defenders try to present.


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Putin dictates: why Iran suddenly called Ukraine a ‘target’ and what this threatens for Israel

Ukraine has officially found itself on the list of countries that the Iranian regime considers as potential targets for strikes. This is no longer leaks or propaganda — the statement came from a representative of the Iranian parliamentary commission on national security.

The change in rhetoric seems abrupt. Not long ago, Tehran tried to deny direct involvement in the war against Ukraine through arms supplies to Russia. Now — direct threats.

And for Israel, this is also a signal.

Why Iran has moved to open pressure

From covert participation to direct statements

The head of Iran’s national security commission, Ebrahim Azizi, stated that the entire territory of Ukraine can be considered a ‘legitimate target.’ Formally, this is presented through a reference to international law, but in essence, it is about political blackmail.

In fact, Iran is publicly marking Ukraine as an adversary for the first time.

What triggered this

The key factor is Ukraine’s involvement in helping Middle Eastern countries intercept Iranian drones.

Before this, Kyiv avoided direct conflict with Tehran. The logic was simple: the war with Russia already requires maximum concentration of resources. But after the inclusion of Ukrainian air defense specialists in regional processes, the situation changed.

Ukraine has effectively found itself in the same framework as Israel and the USA.

Where is Moscow’s role here

Iran is part of a broader axis

Today, Iran is not acting on its own. It is integrated into a partnership with Moscow and Beijing.

Iranian Shahed drones have become one of the key tools for strikes on Ukraine. Production has been scaled up, deliveries are regular, and the technological base is a hybrid of Soviet, Western, and domestic solutions.

And it’s important to understand: such statements from Tehran do not arise in a vacuum.

In the context of how NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views the developments, it is clear that the intensification of Iran’s rhetoric coincides with the Kremlin’s interests — to expand the conflict and blur the focus of the war in Ukraine.

Why this happened right now

Several factors coincided at once:

– escalation in the Middle East
– increased tension between Israel and Iran
– signals of reduced US aid to Ukraine
– reports of close contacts and coordination between Moscow and Tehran

This creates a sense of controlled escalation.

How real is the threat of strikes

The range already allows

Iran has not only drones but also ballistic missiles.

Tactical — up to 300 km. Medium-range — up to 2000–3000 km. This means that theoretically, the entire territory of Ukraine is within reach.

An additional factor is the testing of two-stage missiles, which increases range and power.

How this might look in practice

Large-scale independent strikes by Iran on Ukraine seem unlikely.

But another scenario is more realistic:

– synchronized attacks with Russia
– targeted demonstrative strikes
– using missiles as a political signal

This will not change the situation on the front, but it will increase pressure.

Risk of sabotage

A separate direction is sabotage activity.

Iran is already using such tactics in countries where American bases are located. If this model is transferred to Ukraine, an additional threat arises.

This is a matter not only for the army but also for special services.

Why this is important for Israel

A unified line of conflict is now forming.

Iran against Israel — and simultaneously against Ukraine.

If Ukraine helps shoot down Iranian drones in the Middle East, and Iran in response declares it a ‘target,’ this is no longer two separate conflicts.

This is one connected system.

And the main question here is not even whether there will be real strikes.

But whether Iran is ready to act according to a scenario beneficial to Moscow — including expanding the war beyond the region.


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Shock wave therapy in Israel: what pains does SWT treat and how does it work

Chronic pain is one of the main reasons people seek medical attention in Israel. Pain in the heel, knee, shoulder, or tendons can last for months or even years, limiting mobility and reducing quality of life. One of the most effective non-drug treatments for such conditions today is shockwave therapy.

In Israel, this method is actively used at the David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic. Detailed information about the clinic’s approach, treatment directions, and appointment possibilities is available on the official website:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/.
This is where patients can get an initial understanding of the method and therapy possibilities.

Treatment Geography: Where Shockwave Therapy is Conducted in Israel

The David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic works with patients throughout Israel, providing access to shockwave therapy in different regions of the country. The reception geography is structured so that patients can receive treatment as close to their place of residence as possible, without the need for long trips.

The main region of the clinic’s work is Haifa and the Krayot agglomeration. This area includes Kiryat Ata, Kiryat Bialik, Kiryat Motzkin, Kiryat Yam, and Kiryat Haim. Here, patients with chronic pain in the heel, knee, shoulder, and tendons, who require a regular course of ESWT, are most often treated.

Special attention is given to patients from Nesher and Tirat Carmel. For residents of these cities, treatment is convenient as it does not require long commutes, and the clinic’s work format allows for an individual visit schedule considering the patient’s availability.

The clinic also accepts patients from Acre and Nahariya. In these cities, people often seek help for pain associated with prolonged stress, working on their feet, and the consequences of old injuries. Shockwave therapy in such cases is considered a way to reduce pain and restore mobility without surgery.

Residents of Afula and Yokneam often turn to the clinic with chronic pain syndromes of the musculoskeletal system. For this category of patients, comprehensive treatment is important, where ESWT is combined with recommendations on loads and lifestyle.

In the central regions of Israel, the clinic works with patients from Petah Tikva, Netanya, Hadera, and Kfar Saba. Here, shockwave therapy is often used for prolonged pain that did not yield results with standard medication or physiotherapy.

For patients with limited mobility or severe pain syndrome, a home demonstration of the procedure is possible — by prior arrangement. This format is especially convenient at the stage of initial acquaintance with the method and assessing the body’s reaction to therapy.

Regardless of the city of residence, each patient undergoes an individual assessment of their condition, after which the optimal course of shockwave therapy is selected, taking into account the diagnosis, duration of pain, and overall level of physical activity.

Shockwave Therapy in Israel: What Pains ESWT Treats and How It Works
Shockwave Therapy in Israel: What Pains ESWT Treats and How It Works

What is Shockwave Therapy and What is Its Essence

Shockwave therapy (ESWT) is a method of affecting tissues using high-energy acoustic waves. These impulses penetrate deep into the tissues and stimulate natural recovery processes without damaging healthy structures.

A detailed description of the technology, indications, and principles of ESWT devices is presented on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/ubt/.
It explains in detail why the shockwave triggers regeneration and reduces chronic inflammation.

A separate material is dedicated to the specific pain syndromes where the method is applied and which areas are treatable.
This information is collected on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/gde-udarno/,
where the most common clinical cases are described.

For patients who find it more convenient to receive information in English, a full English version of the site is provided:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/.
It is especially useful for new immigrants and foreign patients.

There is also a separate English section that explains in detail where exactly shockwave therapy is applied and in which conditions it is most effective:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/where-shockwave/.

Heel Pain and Heel Spur

Heel pain is one of the most common reasons for visiting a pain clinic. Complaints about sharp pain during the first steps in the morning or after prolonged sitting are especially characteristic. Most often, it is about plantar fasciitis or a heel spur.

On the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bolit-pjatka/
the causes of heel pain, typical symptoms, and treatment approaches using ESWT are thoroughly analyzed.

A separate material is dedicated specifically to the heel spur and its treatment features in Israel.
It is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/pjatochnaja-bol-i-pjatochnaja-shpora-v-izraile/,
where it is explained in detail why ESWT often allows avoiding surgeries.

Practical issues of assistance with heel pain while walking are covered on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/pomoshh-pri-boli-v-pjatke-pri-hodbe-uvt/.
Real treatment scenarios and patient expectations are considered there.

For English-speaking patients, similar information is presented on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/heel-pain-when-stepping/,
where the causes of heel pain and therapy possibilities are described.

A separate English material on heel spur and chronic heel pain is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/heel-pain-and-heel-spurs/.

A practical guide for patients experiencing pain while walking is posted on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/help-with-heel-pain-when-walking-eswt/.

Knee Pain

The knee joint experiences significant stress daily. Knee pain can be associated with overloads, microtraumas, age-related changes, or the consequences of old injuries.

On the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bol-v-kolene/
the main causes of knee pain are thoroughly examined, and it is explained in which cases ESWT can be an effective solution.

For the English-speaking audience, similar material is available here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/knee-pain-why/.

Shoulder Pain

The shoulder joint is highly mobile, but for this reason, it often suffers from overloads and inflammatory processes. Chronic shoulder pain can limit movement and interfere with daily activities.

The causes of shoulder pain and treatment options are described on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bolit-plecho/,
where the role of shockwave therapy is separately considered.

Additional material on chronic shoulder pain is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bol-v-pleche/.

For patients who prefer English, the information is posted on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/shoulder-pain/.

An analytical material on the causes of shoulder pain and treatment options is available here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/shoulder-pain-why/.

Pain in the Achilles Tendon

The Achilles tendon is one of the most stressed structures of the musculoskeletal system. Chronic pain in this area is often found in people with an active lifestyle.

A detailed analysis of the problem is presented on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bol-v-ahillovom/,
where symptoms and treatment possibilities using ESWT are described.

The English version of the material is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/achilles-tendon/.

Clinic Geography and Treatment Organization

The David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic accepts patients in different cities of Israel. Information about treatment in Haifa is available on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-hajfe/,
where the reception conditions and therapy possibilities are described.

Patients from Petah Tikva can learn about the clinic’s work features via the link
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-petah-tikve/.

A separate page for residents of Netanya is located here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-netanii/.

Information for patients from Hadera is available on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-hadere/.

For residents of Kfar Saba, a separate section is created:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-kfar-save/.

Confidentiality and Authorship

The clinic pays special attention to protecting patients’ personal data. A detailed privacy policy is published on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/privacy-policy/.

Medical and informational materials on the site are published by the clinic’s official team.
Information about the author is available here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/author/admins56ni9mns4/.

All articles on health and medicine are collected in the corresponding section:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/category/medicina-i-zdorove/.

Contacts and Working Hours

David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic
Phone: 055-951-4135
Contact via website: 24/7
Home visit by agreement

Working hours:
Sunday–Thursday: 10:00–19:00
Friday and pre-holiday days: 09:00–14:00
Saturday: closed


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Mordechai Kreuser: an Israeli citizen who has been feeding internally displaced people free kosher meals in Ukraine for 3 years – video

“This is my way of saying thank you to G-d that we have food and shelter,” – says Mordechai.

The story of Mordechai Kreuser is a shining example of human solidarity and selflessness. An Israeli citizen who came to Transcarpathia to revive the Jewish community became a savior for thousands of Ukrainian immigrants.

For the third year now, he has been providing them with free kosher meals, bringing light during the difficult times of war.

A report about Mordechai Kreuzer showed Ukrainian TV channel ICTV .

Mordechai Kreuser came to Mukachevo in 2022 with an ambitious goal: to open a kosher restaurant and breathe new life into the Jewish community. However, Russian aggression changed his plans.

When the war began, Mordechai used his funds to set up charity canteens in Mukachevo, Ivano-Frankivsk and Chernigov.

At the beginning of 2022, about 500 people came to the dining room in the Mukachevo synagogue four times a week, now – 250.

“This is my way of saying thank you to G-d that we have something to eat and a place to sleep. I came here for a different purpose and found myself among hundreds of thousands of people fleeing the war and becoming its victims. I feed the hungry and this is my way to help them.” – says Mordecai.


Help with numbers

At their peak, Kreuser’s canteens fed up to 500 people daily.

City Number of people (2022) Number of people (2024)
Mukachevo 500 250
Ivano-Frankivsk ~300 ~150
Chernigov ~200 ~100

Over time, the number of visitors has declined due to fewer migrants, but the need for hot meals remains high.


Why kosher food?

Kosher dishes are not only a tradition, but also a sign of respect for every person, regardless of their faith.

Features of Mordecai’s cuisine:

  • Suitable for people of all religions.
  • Meets strict kosher standards.
  • It is being prepared with the participation of volunteers, including displaced people.

Volunteer work

The Kreuzer canteen is staffed by four women who are themselves displaced people.


Stories that touch the heart

One of the visitors to the canteen was Nadezhda from Mariupol, who spent 40 days under occupation without food or water. As a result, she lost her sight and hearing.

“These people cook with warmth and kindness. Here I felt that I could live again,” — Nadezhda shares.


Problems and challenges

Today, charity canteens in Ivano-Frankivsk and Chernigov have closed due to lack of funds. However, Mordecai continues to seek support.

“I had a calling from my heart. I cannot remain indifferent, even if the funds are not enough.” – he says.

Kreuzer appeals to wealthy people with a request to open their hearts and support those who are in trouble.


The role of the initiative for relations between Israel and Ukraine

The Mordechai project is not only humanitarian aid, but also an important symbol of cooperation between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples.

Our website NAnews – Israel News continues to tell stories that unite Israel and Ukraine.


Conclusion

Mordechai Kreuser’s initiative demonstrates the power of the human spirit and the potential for uniting peoples. His story is an example of how you can overcome boundaries while supporting those who need it most.

“The war will pass, but the memory of good deeds will remain,” – Mordechai is sure.

Let’s support such initiatives together and make the world a better place.

…..

Read on WhatsApp – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Read on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News


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The Chief Rabbis of Israel congratulated Moshe Asman on his 60th birthday: words about the Torah, mercy, and service to people – video

On March 16, 2026, the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, Moshe Reuven Asman, published words of gratitude (in Ukrainian) to the Chief Rabbis of Israel, who congratulated him on his 60th birthday. This refers to the Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel, Rabbi David Yosef, and the Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Israel, Rabbi Kalman Bar.

Moshe Asman himself wrote briefly and very personally: he sincerely thanked both rabbis for their congratulations. But the content of the video messages themselves turned out to be much broader than a formal anniversary gesture. In these words, there is recognition of many years of work, respect for his path, and an assessment of what he has done for Jewish life in Ukraine during years of peace, crisis, and war.

Chief Rabbis of Israel congratulated Moshe Asman on his 60th birthday: words about Torah, mercy, and service to people
Chief Rabbis of Israel congratulated Moshe Asman on his 60th birthday: words about Torah, mercy, and service to people

March 14, 2026, Moshe Reuven Asman turned 60 years old. A few days before that, a festive celebration of the anniversary took place in Kyiv. Asman later wrote that for him it was a “very bright evening” and a rare opportunity to gather many good people who today work and serve to ensure that Ukraine stands firm — each in their own place.

When at one event, the head of the Office of the President of Ukraine Kyrylo Budanov, Deputy Head of the Office of the President Iryna Mudra, Acting U.S. Chargé d’Affaires in Ukraine Julie Davis, Ambassador of Israel to Ukraine Michael Brodsky, representatives of the Ukrainian Air Force Command, National Guard, Territorial Defense Forces, Medical Forces, Military Chaplaincy, the “Azov” Corps, as well as hierarchs of Ukrainian churches, diplomats, public figures, and rabbis are present, it is no longer a private date.

What Rabbi David Yosef said

The first video featured a congratulation from Rabbi David Yosef. His address was short but very precise in tone. He called Moshe Asman his outstanding friend, a person who builds the world of Torah, and specifically emphasized his role as the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine.

The congratulation included a wish to continue “spreading the Torah, magnifying it, and strengthening it.” At the same time, Rabbi David Yosef emphasized not only the spiritual mission but also that this work continues “in these difficult days.” This emphasis is especially important because it directly links the congratulation not to an abstract date but to the reality in which the Jewish communities of Ukraine live.

He wished Moshe Aman health, longevity, joy, and new strength to go “from strength to strength.” In religious language, this formula is not just a polite congratulation. It is an acknowledgment that there is still a path ahead, still a task, still a service.

A congratulation that turned into a characterization of a whole life

The second address, delivered by Rabbi Kalman Bar, was much more detailed. It included warmth, humor, a deep religious reference, and a very personal characterization of the jubilarian himself.

Rabbi Bar began with an almost familial tone: he admitted that at first, he even thought the news of the 60th birthday was a joke because Moshe Asman, in his words, looks much younger. But after this light introduction, he moved on to the main point: the meaning of age, the significance of the years lived, and what exactly fills this life.

He recalled a Talmudic saying that reaching the age of 60 is a special milestone. But then he offered a broader meaning: not just gratitude for the years lived, but a testimony that the person was not “cut off” from his people, but on the contrary, acted for them all his life.

It was here that the congratulation ceased to be an ordinary anniversary speech. Rabbi Kalman Bar essentially defined how he sees Moshe Asman’s life: as constant service to others, as a search for new ways to help, as a practice of mercy not in words but in action.

Not just charity, but a constant search for how else to help

One of the main thoughts expressed in the congratulation concerns the very concept of chesed — mercy, kindness, helping one’s neighbor. Rabbi Bar specifically emphasized that true chesed is not only a response to an already voiced request. A truly high level is constantly thinking about what else can be done for another person.

In this context, he mentioned helping refugees, food, and spreading the Torah. That is, it was not about one direction of work, but about a whole way of life in which spiritual service is not separated from practical help to people.

Such a description is especially important in the Ukrainian context of recent years. The Jewish communities of Ukraine have experienced evacuations, humanitarian crises, and the need to literally rebuild the system of assistance in wartime conditions. Therefore, the words that Moshe Asman “thinks all his life about what else can be done for others” sound not like ritual praise but as a very concrete characteristic.

At this point, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees the main meaning of these congratulations: Israeli religious leaders speak of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine not only as a spiritual authority but also as a man of action who managed to combine Torah, public service, and real help to people in difficult historical times.

Why these words are important for Israel and Ukraine

Such congratulations are significant not only for Moshe Asman’s personal biography. They also show something else: how closely religious, public, and human bridges are connected today between Israel and Jewish life in Ukraine.

When the Chief Rabbis of Israel specifically note not only knowledge, status, or position but precisely help to refugees, good deeds, devotion to the people of Israel, and many years of service to the community, it means recognizing the role of Ukrainian Jewry as part of the common Jewish space.

For the Israeli audience, this is also an important signal. In recent years, Ukraine is increasingly perceived through the prism of war, destruction, and geopolitics. But behind this, it is easy to lose sight of the people who continue to hold communities together, help families, maintain religious life, and prevent the Jewish presence from disappearing even in extraordinary conditions.

That is why the congratulation addressed to Moshe Asman goes beyond a private anniversary. It becomes a statement about values: that in Jewish tradition, not only titles are truly valued, but also the ability to live for others.

Words that summarize and simultaneously look forward

At the end of his address, Rabbi Kalman Bar quoted the thought that the Almighty loves those who love His children. This was perhaps the most emotionally powerful moment of the entire video. In this formula, there is both a blessing and gratitude, and an explanation of why the figure of Moshe Asman evokes such a warm reaction from his interlocutors.

Concluding the congratulation, he wished the jubilarian and his entire family grace, a good name, health, joy, and holy comfort from descendants. And Rabbi David Yosef, in turn, blessed him to continue his path — in good health, with longevity and new joys.

Thus, the 60th birthday of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, Moshe Reuven Asman, became not just an anniversary date, but an occasion to once again speak aloud about his role for Jewish life in Ukraine, his connection with Israel, and that in the most difficult times, it is such figures that hold the community, memory, faith, and human dignity.

From Leningrad and Jerusalem to Kyiv and Anatevka

The biography of Moshe Reuven Asman itself looks like a plot for a separate book. He was born on March 14, 1966, in Leningrad. After getting married in 1987, he moved to Israel, where he continued his religious studies in the Jerusalem yeshivas “Shamir” and “Merkaz Gutnik.” Alongside his studies, he headed “Beit Chabad” for Russian-speaking Jews — that is, he worked with the environment that was then just learning to live a Jewish life without Soviet fear and without the habit of hiding their identity.

Later, he worked as an assistant rabbi in Toronto in a direction related to Russian-speaking Jews. After completing his studies, he received the title of rabbi, and in 1991 he was sent to Ukraine. This was a special moment: the country was just entering independence, the Soviet system was collapsing, and old religious communities had to be not just revived but literally rebuilt.

Until 1995, Asman worked as the deputy director of the “Rescue of Children from the Chernobyl Zone” program. Already in the same 1995, he became the head of the Chabad-Lubavitch Jewish religious community in Kyiv. In 1997, he became the Chief Rabbi of the All-Ukrainian Jewish Congress. He participated in the return of the Brodsky Synagogue in Kyiv, was a representative of the “Tzeirei Chabad” organization in Ukraine, and also the main representative of the World Center of Breslov Hasidim in the country.

On September 11, 2005, he was elected Chief Rabbi of Ukraine. Since then, for thousands of Jews in the country, he has become not only an official figure or head of a religious structure but also one of the symbols that Jewish life in Ukraine not only survived after the 20th century but regained its voice, institutions, schools, synagogues, communities, memory, and confidence.

Later, another important chapter was added to this path — Anatevka, a Jewish settlement near Kyiv, created as a space of life and salvation for people whose ordinary fate was disrupted by war. For the Israeli reader, this story is especially recognizable: it is not about abstract religious activity, but about very concrete service — with homes, families, children, evacuation, humanitarian aid, and real risks.

Moshe Asman is a citizen of Israel and, since 2022, also of Ukraine.

……


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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля