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In 1734, the founder of Hasidism settled in Tovstom Israel ben EliezerIt is believed that It was here that he received his second name, Baal Shem Tov (abbreviated as Besht) and became known as a tzaddik and healer.

In his new article “Ukraine Incognita” revealed little-known facts about the Jewish history of the village of Tovste (Ukrainian: Товсто), which is in the Ternopil region. For those interested — here it is on the map.

This village is not as well known to travelers as Zalishchyky, Gorodenka or Chortkiv, but, according to researchers, it is no less interesting and definitely deserves attention.

In Hasidism this is called the “Besht’s revelation.”that is, the moment when he revealed to people his true face as a great tzaddik.

Hasidic traditions describe it this way:

“Then he (Israel ben Eliezer) settled in the holy community of Tlusta, where he was also a melamed (teacher in a cheder – religious school), and could not gather a minyan in his home, but received people and prayed with them.

He wore a “tuzlik” (Ukrainian) (a woolen bag for salt), and his toes stuck out of the holes in his shoes, because he was very poor. He used to immerse himself in the mikvah even in the month of Tevet (December-January according to the Gregorian calendar), and sweat would come out in drops the size of peas. Then people began to come to him, but he did not want to receive them.

One day, a madman or madwoman was brought to him, and he refused to let them in. At night, he was told that he had turned 36. In the morning, he began to count and discovered that this was indeed true. He accepted the madman, cured him, and left his occupation as a melamed, taking my father-in-law, of blessed memory, as a sofer. People from different places began to come to him.”

The term “baal-shem” was used by the people to refer to a person who knows the hidden name of God, has the power and means (“kelim”) with which he can address the Almighty. In another meaning, among Kabbalists, “baal-shem” is someone who uses the formulas of magic (practical Kabbalah) and natural remedies for healing. Baal Shem began as a professional healer, combining the knowledge of a doctor, psychologist and folk healer. He treated infertility, mental illness, exorcised demons and devils, and made amulets and potions.

Besht lived in Tlust (as Tovsta was called until 1944) almost until his move to Medzhybizh.

Hasidic traditions should be treated with great caution, as they contain many frankly fabulous and logical inconsistencies. But the fact remains that Hasidism, as a new religious movement, originated in Tovstom.

By 1930, the local Jewish community numbered 2,600 people, more than two-thirds of the entire population of the village. But by 1939, it had significantly decreased to 1,196 people.

The German occupation put an end to the history of the Jewish community of Tlusty. The Nazis created a ghetto in the village, where, in addition to locals, they drove Jews from neighboring Zalishchyky, Horodenka, Yagilnitsa, Chortkiv and others.

On May 27 and June 6, 1943, the entire population of the ghetto was exterminated in two mass executions. Taking into account the executions of previous years, almost 5,000 people were tortured in the village in total.

Traces of this tragedy can be seen in the old Jewish cemetery. In addition to the mass graves of the tortured, there are bullet holes on the matzevah gravestones.

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“Not About the War”: The book of Jewish defender of Ukraine Maksym Shvartsman was presented in Chernivtsi on the 3rd anniversary of his death at the front - July 21, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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The US Army has begun a large-scale technological reform after Ukrainian combat experience revealed a weak spot in Western armies: even the most expensive weapons lose some effectiveness if drones, sensors, air defense systems, and command platforms cannot quickly exchange data.

The reason for the new American program was the success of the Ukrainian battle management system ‘Delta’. It was this system that helped Ukraine integrate drones, sensors, strike means, and command decisions into a single digital environment amid full-scale Russian aggression.

Now this experience is being studied not as a ‘Ukrainian improvisation’, but as a model of future warfare. For the US, it’s a matter of speed, battlefield survival, and the ability to respond to threats that are particularly well understood in Israel: drones, missiles, Iranian technologies, rear attacks, and the need to make decisions in minutes, not hours.

Why Ukrainian experience became a signal for the US

According to the Financial Times, the US Army launched the Project Jailbreak initiative to overcome an old problem: different weapon and management systems were often created as closed products, poorly compatible with each other.

In practice, this meant that a soldier or operator became a living ‘integration point’. They had to manually transfer data, switch between screens, link information from different sources, and make decisions under conditions of fatigue, cold, stress, and constant threat.

US Army Chief Technology Officer Alex Miller described this problem very simply: the existing approach does not work if a serviceman is wet, hungry, tired, and has been on task for 20 hours.

From separate systems to a unified battlefield

Before the reform, American developments often resembled a set of strong but poorly connected tools. A drone sees one thing, a radar detects another, an air defense system lives in its own logic, and the command post receives fragments of the picture with a delay.

Captain Mika Moul compared the previous situation to trying to conduct an orchestra via Microsoft Teams, where each musician has different notes. This phrase well explains the main challenge of modern warfare: the problem is not only in the availability of weapons, but in how quickly it turns into a unified combat network.

Ukraine, faced with the massive use of Russian missiles, Shahed, reconnaissance and strike drones, was forced to accelerate such integration not in the laboratory, but right on the front line.

Project Jailbreak: how the Pentagon is trying to ‘unlock’ its systems

A key moment for the American leadership was the visit of US Army Minister Dan Driscoll to Germany. There he saw how Ukrainian military use ‘Delta’ to integrate drones, sensors, and weapons into a working battle management system.

After this, according to Driscoll, it became clear: much of what he had seen before was not sufficiently integrated, not simple enough, and not convenient enough for servicemen.

Project Jailbreak gathered the largest defense companies and technological structures around one task. Participants included Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, Anduril, Palantir, and other players in the American defense market.

Their goal was not abstract. It was necessary to make air defense systems, counter-drone means, drones, radars, cameras, command platforms, and weapons ‘speak the same language’.

For the Israeli audience, this story is important not only as news from the US. The Middle East has long lived in a reality where the speed of data transfer between a sensor and a weapon can determine the outcome of an attack. Therefore, Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers Ukraine’s experience as part of a broader picture: drone warfare, the Iranian threat, sky defense, and digital battle management become a common theme for Ukraine, Israel, the US, and their partners.

What is already being deployed in the troops

The first results of Project Jailbreak have already begun to be delivered to American units, including forces in the Middle East. This is particularly indicative: a region where Israel regularly faces threats from Iran and its proxies becomes one of the directions where updated approaches can be tested the fastest.

The American army announced its intention to deploy a full package of fixes within the next 30 days. This is not about a cosmetic update of interfaces, but an attempt to change the very architecture of interaction between systems.

If earlier new weapons could be procured as separate ‘boxes’, now the priority is compatibility. Any new system must integrate into the overall digital network, not create another closed data island.

What this changes for Ukraine, Israel, and future wars

The Ukrainian ‘Delta’ became an example for the US of how an army under constant pressure can adapt faster than large bureaucratic structures. This does not negate the technological superiority of the American military-industrial complex, but shows: in modern warfare, the winner is not only the one with more expensive systems, but the one who quickly connects intelligence, analysis, and strike.

For Ukraine, this is an important political and military signal. Its experience is no longer just being studied — it is being used as a basis for restructuring approaches in one of the most powerful armies in the world.

For Israel, the conclusion is no less direct. The massive use of UAVs, the cheapening of strike systems, the growing role of Iran in spreading drone technologies, and the constant threat of multi-level attacks require not only strong air defense but also a flexible management network. Separate batteries, radars, and operators must work as a single organism.

The main lesson of the Ukrainian front

The war against Russia has shown that digital integration becomes as important a resource as ammunition, armored vehicles, or aviation. When data from a drone quickly reaches a commander, when a target is confirmed without unnecessary delays, when the system itself helps shorten the path from detection to decision, the army gains an advantage that cannot be measured only by the amount of equipment.

Project Jailbreak is an acknowledgment that old standards no longer withstand the pace of new warfare.

Ukraine paid a huge price for this experience. But it is its frontline solutions that are now changing the mindset of allies and forcing the world’s largest armies to restructure their systems to a reality where a drone, sensor, operator, and weapon must act not separately, but as a single network.

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“Not About the War”: The book of Jewish defender of Ukraine Maksym Shvartsman was presented in Chernivtsi on the 3rd anniversary of his death at the front - July 21, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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Three Crises, One Political Deadlock

US President Donald Trump once again faced that part of world politics that cannot be pushed through with a single statement, loud promise, or public ultimatum. Ukraine, the Gaza Strip, and Iran have become three areas where the expectation of a quick result has collided with protracted negotiations, tough interests of the parties, and a reality where every concession has a price.

According to The New York Times, the Trump administration was counting on faster progress on several international initiatives. However, by mid-2026, it became clear: neither Russia’s war against Ukraine, nor the situation in Gaza, nor the conflict around Iran are moving according to the scenario of quick political victories.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is especially important. It is not only about Washington and its diplomatic reputation. American policy directly affects Israel’s security, pressure on Iran, the future of Gaza, the stability of Ukraine, and the entire balance of power in the Middle East.

Why promises turned out to be easier than negotiations

Trump came to power with a well-known political formula: complex conflicts can be quickly stopped if you act tough, confidently, and directly. In the public sphere, it sounded impressive. But international crises rarely end because one side wants a beautiful date or a loud result.

Iran is in no hurry to close questions on nuclear and missile programs. Russia shows no readiness for an honest peace with Ukraine. In Gaza, even after the truce and the release of hostages, issues of governance, security, reconstruction, and further Israeli military presence remain unresolved.

This is where the main problem arises: diplomacy requires not only announcing a plan but also daily pressure, control, working with details, and sometimes the willingness to admit that the other side is simply stalling.

Iran and the Strait of Hormuz: negotiations without a final point

According to the publication, after the announced ceasefire on April 7, the US hoped to quickly reach agreements with Iran, including on sensitive security issues and the Strait of Hormuz. But negotiations on Tehran’s nuclear and missile programs continue, and there is no final decision.

For Israel, this is not an external topic, but a matter of its own security. Any weakening of pressure on Iran is perceived in Jerusalem through the prism of threats from the Iranian axis, missile programs, proxy groups, and regional instability.

Tehran, according to experts, may deliberately delay the negotiation process. The logic is simple: if Washington does not want to return to large-scale military actions, and the American public does not support a new war, then time becomes a tool of pressure.

Such tactics are well known in the Middle East. The side that is not in a hurry often gains additional leverage. The side that promised a quick result gradually finds itself in an uncomfortable position.

Ukraine: the promise of ‘within 24 hours’ shattered by a war of attrition

Another painful example is Russia’s war against Ukraine. Trump previously stated that he could end this conflict within 24 hours of taking office. But 16 months after the inauguration, a peace agreement has not been reached.

This is an important detail. The war that the Kremlin is waging against Ukraine has long ceased to be a conflict that can be closed with one meeting or one deal. There is a front, occupation, war crimes, security guarantees, the fate of territories, sanctions pressure, Europe’s position, and Kyiv’s fear of an imposed peace.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, as noted in the material, has already spoken about fatigue from endless negotiations. At the same time, the Russian side, according to the publication’s interlocutors, advocates the creation of a permanent diplomatic mechanism with working groups and regular meetings.

In practice, this may mean not moving towards peace, but an attempt to delay the process, fix diplomatic activity, and at the same time maintain pressure on Ukraine.

In this context, NAnews — News from Israel | Nikk.Agency considers the Ukrainian direction not as a distant European topic, but as part of the overall picture: if the aggressor gets the opportunity to buy time, this is seen in Moscow, Tehran, and the Middle East.

What Thomas Graham says

Former American diplomat Thomas Graham believes that a full-fledged negotiation process is necessary to end the war. According to him, the conflict is ‘ripe for resolution,’ moods in Moscow have changed, the front line has stabilized, and economic problems in Russia are accumulating.

But even such an assessment does not mean automatic peace. The negotiation process is not just a table, flags, and statements for the press. It is hard work with conditions, guarantees, control of implementation, and understanding that every pause can be used against Ukraine.

For Israel, this experience is also important. Any country living next to a constant threat understands: a bad agreement is sometimes more dangerous than the absence of an agreement if it gives the enemy time to regroup.

Gaza: the truce did not become a political solution

A separate direction is the Gaza Strip. Despite the release of hostages and the truce between Israel and Hamas, the further implementation of the plan proposed by Trump has effectively stalled.

According to journalists, the new Palestinian administration has not yet begun full-fledged work in the sector. The region’s reconstruction program remains on paper, and Israel continues military operations. This shows that even an important humanitarian and military result does not automatically turn into a sustainable political architecture.

For Israeli society, this sounds extremely practical. You can achieve a truce, you can return some hostages, you can reduce the intensity of hostilities. But if issues of Gaza’s governance, demilitarization, border control, the role of Hamas, and international guarantees are not resolved, the conflict remains open.

The main lesson for Washington and Israel

Richard Fontaine, CEO of the Center for a New American Security, noted that foreign policy rarely yields quick results. According to him, what matters is not the loud announcement, but the consistent implementation and management of the process.

This is perhaps the main conclusion of the entire situation. Peace plans, roadmaps, and political statements work only when there is a daily system of pressure, diplomacy, and control behind them.

The Trump administration is now facing difficulties on three key fronts. Ukraine has not achieved peace. Gaza has not received a sustainable new governance model. Iran has not given a final answer on issues directly affecting regional security.

For Israel, the conclusion is even harsher: you cannot build security solely on the expectation of quick American decisions. Washington remains the main ally, but the Middle East, Ukraine, and Iran show the same thing — opponents of democratic peace know how to wait, delay, and use negotiations as a weapon.

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“Not About the War”: The book of Jewish defender of Ukraine Maksym Shvartsman was presented in Chernivtsi on the 3rd anniversary of his death at the front - July 21, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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“We want to pay tribute to the man who saved hundreds of Jews,” — said the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Reuven Azman.

Andrey Sheptytsky in 2008, the Jewish community of Ukraine recognized him as a Righteous One.

November 1 marked 80 years since the death of the Ukrainian Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskywho was one of the most significant religious figures in Ukraine at the end of the 19th – first half of the 20th century. Sheptytsky was not only a spiritual leader, but also proved himself to be a real hero, saving Jews from Nazi persecution. However, despite his actions, he was never given the title “Righteous Among the Nations” in Israel.

Hero in the Shadows: Saving Jews during the War

With the outbreak of World War II, Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky and his closest associates launched a secret mission of mercy, hiding dozens of Jews in monasteries and other religious institutions. One of the most famous cases is the Metropolitan’s sermon on November 21, 1942, when he called on his followers to resist violence and renounce the killing of innocents. This was a bold statement under the conditions of Nazi terror, and many priests of the time took it as a guide to action.

With Sheptytsky’s consent, a significant number of Jews hid in Greek Catholic monasteries and even in the metropolitan residence. He ordered the hiding of more than 300 Jewish children (in particular, the son of Lvov rabbi Izakael Levin Kurt, who later named his sons Andrey and Klimenty) and valuable Jewish documents.

In rescuing the Jews, he was helped, among others, by Joseph’s sister Veter (in 1946 she was imprisoned by the communist regime for a total of 30 years) and his brother Kliment (37 Jews; another 16 Jews were in a shoe factory that belonged to the Students; arrested by the Soviet regime of 1947).

It should be noted that the Metropolitan hid this saving action of his from most of the clergy because circumstances required it. Rabbi David Kagane writes with undisguised sympathy about the noble behavior of Andrei Sheptytsky during the war in his “Diary of the Lviv Ghetto.”

Quote:

“Thou shalt not kill” is one of the most important commandments to which the Metropolitan called his followers in this dark time.

The feat of Klimenty Sheptytsky

Andrei Sheptytsky’s brother, Klimenty, made a huge contribution to the salvation of Jews, for which he was posthumously awarded the title “Righteous Among the Nations” in 1996. In a factory owned by the Studites, Andrei’s brother set up a secret hideout for more than 30 Jews, risking his own life. His selfless actions remain one of the shining examples of human kindness and courage.

Yad Vashem and the non-recognition of Andrei Sheptytsky

In Israel, at the request of David Kagane, the issue of awarding Andrei Sheptytsky the title “Righteous Among the Nations” was considered. However, in a vote in 1981, of the 13 commission members, 5 supported the awarding of the title, 6 opposed it, and 2 abstained, including Kagane himself. The reasons for the refusal were “support for the SS division “Galicia””, accusations of “ideological closeness to Nazism” and the opinion that “the metropolitan could have done more to save the Jews.”

Contrary to the often widespread assertion, Metropolitan Andrei did not express any official support for the creation of the Galicia division. It should be noted that the Metropolitan agreed to send priest-chaplains there for the spiritual service of the soldiers.

The decision caused mixed reactions.

Attempts to recognize Sheptytsky as a Righteous Among the Nations continued after that, but without success, including in 2007. In response, in 2008, the Jewish community of Ukraine recognized him as a Righteous One..

Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Reuven Azman emphasized the importance of memory about such people.

“We want to pay tribute to the man who saved hundreds of Jews“- said the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Reuven Azman on this occasion. “We must fight not only anti-Semitism and xenophobia, but also remember our heroes and remind the younger generation about them“.

In honor of Sheptytsky, the “Tree of Life” was planted near the Brodsky synagogue in Kyiv.

In 2012, the lower house of the Canadian Parliament unanimously recognized the Metropolitan’s contribution to human rights, noting that he saved more than 160 Jews. In 2013, the Anti-Defamation League posthumously honored Sheptytsky for his “courage and heroism” in saving Jews with the Jan Karski Award, which was accepted by his relative, Professor Jerzy Weiman.

Conclusion

Andrey Sheptytsky remained for many people a symbol of courage and mercy, capable of heroic deeds to save lives. His story is a reminder of the strength of spirit and the importance of showing humanity even in the most difficult conditions. It is difficult to say why he was never recognized as a Righteous Among the Nations, but his contribution to saving hundreds of lives will remain unforgettable.

“The memory of heroes like Andrei Sheptytsky should be passed on from generation to generation,” note the authors of NAnovosti.

The Metropolitan’s Influence on Modern Society

The actions of Andrei Sheptytsky remain relevant today. His actions inspire new generations not only in Ukraine, but also beyond its borders. It is important to remember historical figures who embody humanistic values ​​and strive to preserve their legacies in modern times.

Count Andrey Sheptytsky ChSVV (baptized Roman Maria Alexander; July 29, 1865 – November 1, 1944) – head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan of Galicia, Archbishop of Lviv (1901-1944). Bishop Stanislavovsky (1899-1900). Doctor of Law (1888) and Theology (1894); Maecenas. One of the outstanding leaders of the Ukrainian church and national movement of the first half of the 20th century, a representative of the Sheptytsky count family.

During the First World War he was arrested by Russian troops (1914) and taken to Russia. After returning to Lviv, he became a co-founder of ZUNR (1918). In 1919 he was interned by the Polish authorities.

The process of beatification began in 1955. Metropolitan Andrei’s brother, Count Lev Sheptytsky, and his wife were killed by the Bolsheviks after the annexation of Western Ukraine, and their son Andrzej was later killed at Katyn. Vladyka died on November 1, 1944 from cerebral edema caused by a complication of influenza. He was buried in the Cathedral of St. George in Lviv; his funeral became a mass demonstration.

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“Not About the War”: The book of Jewish defender of Ukraine Maksym Shvartsman was presented in Chernivtsi on the 3rd anniversary of his death at the front - July 21, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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NAnews presents a news overview of the story of Tzvi Hirsh (Grigory), a 32-year-old soldier of the 34th Separate Coastal Defense Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, who died defending Ukraine on the Kherson front line.

His death is not just a tragedy — it is a symbol of unity between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples in the struggle against Putin’s aggression.

A man of light, strength, and contradictions

Tzvi Hirsh was born in Odesa, studied at the Jewish school “Or Avner – Chabad”, and was raised in an atmosphere of tradition and communal life. He began working at the age of 15 and never tolerated laziness in himself or others. His dream was to open a restaurant and earn a Michelin star, but life led him to the battlefield.

“He rarely spoke about emotions, but proved his love through actions — care, presence, loyalty,” his friends recall.

Family and children

Grigory left this world too soon. But he left behind the memory of a strong, radiant person whose will to live never faded. He became the father of two children — Lev (5 years old) and Alisa (4 years old) — parts of himself that nothing can destroy.

He dreamed of being their support, of building a future with them. Instead, he became a hero, sacrificing his life for their safety.

A hero without pathos

According to the Chief Rabbi of Odesa and Southern Ukraine, Avraham Wolff, Hirsh was an integral part of the community:

“Tzvi Hirsh gave his life with true self-sacrifice — as a Ukrainian soldier and a proud Jew. He was with us from childhood and has now departed as a hero.”

The sorrowful news was shared on June 6, 2025, by chaplain Yakov Sinyakov, who also arranged for the body to be returned to Odesa without autopsy, in accordance with Jewish law. The funeral will take place following Halacha.

Rabbi Avraham Wolff and the local Jewish community are organizing the funeral.

The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine offers its sincere condolences to the family, friends, and comrades. We share this unspeakable grief.

How Israel and Ukraine are connected through lives

The story of Tzvi Hirsh is one of many confirming the deep connection between Israel and Ukraine. On the website NAnews – Israel News, we regularly publish materials about Jews defending Ukraine and Israeli aid to the country.

We report not just on facts, but on people who embody resilience, faith, and love. Tzvi Hirsh is a symbol of such people.

Community response

The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine was the first to announce the tragedy and express deep condolences:

“Blessed is the True Judge. Baruch Dayan HaEmet.”

The Jewish community of Odesa is preparing the funeral, and words of support are coming from all over the world — especially from Israel, home to thousands of people with Ukrainian roots.

NAnews — what brings us together

The editorial team of NAnews – Israel News expresses its condolences to Grisha’s family, his children, friends, and fellow soldiers.

His story is a reminder: war is not abstract politics — it is real human lives. And in these lives, we find shared pain and a shared future — for Jews, Ukrainians, and all who refuse to accept darkness.

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“Not About the War”: The book of Jewish defender of Ukraine Maksym Shvartsman was presented in Chernivtsi on the 3rd anniversary of his death at the front - July 21, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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On May 31, 2026, the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine reported a series of visits to the Jewish community of Odessa. Over the course of one week, the city hosted several high-ranking international guests — representatives from Israel, Germany, and the United Kingdom.

For Odessa, this is not just a protocol story. Against the backdrop of war, security threats, and growing concerns about anti-Semitism, such meetings show that the Jewish community of Ukraine remains a visible part of the international agenda.

Israeli Ambassador Michael Brodsky visited the Chabad Or Avner Lyceum

On May 31, 2026, the Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of Israel to Ukraine, Michael Brodsky, visited the Jewish community of Odessa. His visit was related to the ceremonial events marking the end of the school year at the Chabad Or Avner Lyceum.

Brodsky addressed the students, teachers, and graduates. He wished the youth success, courage, and great achievements in the new stage of life.

Why this visit is important for Israel and Ukraine

For the Israeli audience, there is an important context here. Odessa is one of the symbolic centers of Jewish history in Eastern Europe. The city is associated with Jewish culture, religious life, the Zionist movement, literature, and the destinies of thousands of families whose descendants now live in Israel.

Therefore, the visit of the Israeli ambassador to a Ukrainian Jewish school is not just a diplomatic gesture. It is a signal of support to the community that continues to educate children, celebrate holidays, preserve tradition, and build the future even in wartime conditions.

After the celebrations, Michael Brodsky met with the rabbi of Odessa and Southern Ukraine, Avraham Wolff. The parties discussed the current challenges facing Jewish communities in Ukraine, as well as further cooperation between the Israeli Embassy and the Jewish community of Odessa.

German Ambassador Heiko Toms met with children from ‘Mishpacha Ukraine’

The day before, the community was visited by the German Ambassador to Ukraine, Heiko Toms. In Odessa, he met with the city’s rabbi, representatives of the Jewish community, and the children of the ‘Mishpacha Ukraine’ orphanage.

The diplomat’s conversation with the children was particularly emotional. They thanked the German people for the support, safety, and care they received during their stay in Germany at the beginning of the full-scale war.

For children who have experienced evacuation, anxiety, and separation from their usual lives, such words have personal meaning. This is not abstract diplomacy, but the experience of concrete assistance.

Heiko Toms, in turn, emphasized the importance of supporting Ukrainian children. He confirmed his readiness to assist in ensuring that they can live under a peaceful sky and have a happy future.

In the middle of this story, it is especially noticeable how the themes of Ukraine, Israel, the Jewish community, and European responsibility converge at one point. Such stories are what Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers not as separate diplomatic visits, but as part of a broader picture: who supports Ukrainian Jews today, how international solidarity works, and why Odessa remains important for Israel.

Lord Henry Byron Davies discussed anti-Semitism and community security in Odessa

Another distinguished guest of the Jewish community was a member of the House of Lords of the UK Parliament, Lord Henry Byron Davies, Baron Davies of Gower. He arrived in Odessa during the Black Sea Security Forum.

In the Chabad synagogue, there was a warm meeting between Lord Davies and Rabbi Avraham Wolff. The conversation focused on modern forms of anti-Semitism, challenges for Jewish communities in different countries, and the Ukrainian experience of maintaining unity in wartime conditions.

Odessa’s experience as an example of resilience

Jewish communities in Ukraine have found themselves in a reality where religious, social, and humanitarian work intersects with security issues. Synagogues, schools, children’s institutions, and community centers are forced to live not only by the calendar of holidays and educational programs but also by the logic of wartime.

In this sense, Odessa has become one of the important examples. The city continues to be a southern center of Jewish life in Ukraine, despite missile threats, anxieties, and the constant pressure of war.

For Israel, this experience is also important. Israeli society understands well what it means to maintain education, religious life, and community support under threat. Therefore, the Ukrainian story here is perceived not as a distant foreign news item, but as a close and understandable narrative.

What a week of international visits shows

The visits of representatives from Israel, Germany, and the United Kingdom to the Jewish community of Odessa show several things at once.

Firstly, Ukrainian Jewish communities remain part of the international dialogue. They are heard not only in Kyiv or Odessa but also in Jerusalem, Berlin, and London.

Secondly, issues of security, education, and combating anti-Semitism are once again coming to the forefront. This is especially important against the backdrop of Russia’s war against Ukraine and growing tensions in the world.

And finally, Odessa itself continues to play the role of a city where Jewish history is not limited to the past. There are schools, children, rabbis, community projects, international contacts, and people who try to maintain normal life where war tests society’s resilience every day.

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“Not About the War”: The book of Jewish defender of Ukraine Maksym Shvartsman was presented in Chernivtsi on the 3rd anniversary of his death at the front - July 21, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Did Azerbaijan stop Israel’s vote on recognizing the Armenian genocide? - July 20, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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The phrase “Ukraine is the homeland of Hasidism” sounds emotional, but it has a serious historical basis. Modern encyclopedic and academic sources indicate that Hasidism originated in the 18th century on the lands of present-day Western and Central Ukraine — primarily in Podolia and Volhynia, around the circle of Baal Shem Tov and his disciples. It is important to clarify: the formula of “37 main dynasties, of which 15 originate from the territory of present-day Ukraine” is more of a popularization scheme than a strict universally accepted academic standard. But the general conclusion does not change: the Ukrainian space was one of the main centers of the emergence and early development of the Hasidic world.

In Hasidism, they usually talk about courts or dynasties — lines of rebbes, which were most often named after their cities of origin. Over two and a half centuries, there have been many such lines: modern lists include dozens and hundreds of names, not a single canonical register. Therefore, when it comes to “37 main,” it is more correct to understand this as a conditional list of the most notable historical houses, rather than a definitive list that everyone equally recognizes.

Jews from Ukraine: Ukraine as the homeland of Hasidism – 37 main dynasties and their Ukrainian roots

The Ukrainian cradle of Hasidism and why there is a debate around the number “37”

The founder of Hasidism, Israel ben Eliezer, better known as Baal Shem Tov (circa 1700–1760), was associated with Podolia and Medzhybizh. After his death, the movement was systematized by Dov-Ber, the Maggid of Mezeritch (died in 1772), and his disciples spread the new religious impulse across Ukraine, Belarus, and Poland. It was from here that large family dynasties later grew — the Chernobyl, Ruzhin, Kosov-Vizhnitz, Breslov, and others.

Therefore, the thesis that Ukraine is one of the main historical homelands of Hasidism is quite justified.

The fact is that the list of exactly 37 “main” dynasties is not a universally accepted scientific standard: old Jewish encyclopedias highlighted several key lines like Lubavitch, Chernobyl, Ruzhin-Sadigura, Lublin, and Kotzk, while modern reference books show a much more complex picture with many branches and offshoots.

Nevertheless, if we take a working list of the 37 most notable lines, the Ukrainian presence is indeed enormous. This circle usually includes dynasties that originated in Belz, Boyan, Breslov, Vizhnitz, Zvyagel, Makhnovka, Mukachevo, Nadvorna, Rakhmastrivka, Savran, Sadigura, Skvira, Skole, Chernobyl, as well as historical centers of Berdichev and Medzhybizh. Many of them, after the Holocaust and subsequent migrations, moved their living centers to Israel and the USA — primarily to Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, Brooklyn, Monsey, Kiryas Joel, and New Square.

CHABAD: a separate line with a very strong Ukrainian connection

CHABAD-Lubavitch is usually not considered a Ukrainian dynasty in the narrow geographical sense, because its historical centers are primarily associated with Lyady and Lubavitch. The founder of the movement was Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi (1745–1812), who created a special intellectual branch of Hasidism at the end of the 18th century; the name CHABAD itself comes from the words Chochma, Bina, Da’at.

But without CHABAD, the history of Ukrainian Hasidism would be incomplete. Shneur Zalman was a disciple of the Maggid of Mezeritch, which means the spiritual roots of the movement are directly connected with the Ukrainian environment, where early Hasidism received powerful development. Moreover, the founder of CHABAD himself is buried in Hadiach, in the Poltava region of Ukraine, and this place remains a point of pilgrimage.

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In the 20th century, CHABAD turned into a global movement with its main living center in New York and a wide network of communities in Israel, the USA, Europe, and the countries of the former USSR. Therefore, in an article about the Hasidic dynasties of Ukraine, it is logical to highlight CHABAD separately: not as a Ukrainian dynasty by place of origin, but as a world movement closely connected with Ukraine spiritually and historically.

Ukrainian dynasties: from Podolia and Volhynia to Bnei Brak and New York

The earliest center of memory remains Medzhybizh — the city of Baal Shem Tov. Medzhybizh did not become a separate largest modern mass dynasty, but symbolically it is one of the main points of the entire Hasidic history. Berdichev is associated with the name of Levi Yitzchak of Berdichev (1740–1810), one of the most famous early righteous men of Hasidism. This is also more of a historical center and spiritual name than the largest modern court.

The Breslov dynasty, or Breslov, is associated with Rabbi Nachman of Breslov (1772–1810), the great-grandson of Baal Shem Tov. Its peculiarity is that after the death of Rabbi Nachman, no new continuous line of rebbes arose in the classical sense, but the movement did not disappear: on the contrary, it lives through his books, the teaching of personal prayer, and the famous pilgrimage to Uman. In the 21st century, Breslov is a global network of communities, especially noticeable in Israel and among pilgrims who annually come to Ukraine.

The Chernobyl dynasty is one of the most important overall. It was founded by Menachem Nachum Twersky of Chernobyl (circa 1730–1797), a disciple of both Baal Shem Tov and the Maggid of Mezeritch. It was from the Chernobyl house that a whole cluster of separate lines emerged: Skver, Rakhmastrivka, Tolna, Trisk, as well as genealogically related branches of Makhnovka. This is one of the main examples of how one Ukrainian dynasty turned into a whole family of world courts.

From the Chernobyl circle grew the Skver dynasty — today it is especially known for its closed community in New Square, New York. Rakhmastrivka originates from Rakhmastrivka and now has centers in Jerusalem and Brooklyn. Tolna comes from Talne, and Trisk — from Turisk in Volhynia. Makhnovka, originating from Makhnovka, today has its headquarters in Bnei Brak and remains a lively, notable line with thousands of families.

No less influential was the house of Ruzhin. It was founded by Rabbi Israel Friedman of Ruzhin (1796–1850), and it was this line that gave part of the Hasidic world the very “royal” style of the court. From the Ruzhin house came Boyan, Sadigura, Chortkov, Husiatyn, and other branches. The Boyan dynasty, formed in the 19th century, is today firmly associated with Jerusalem. The Sadigura line, originating from Bukovina, was the most important force in the region before the Holocaust, and today its continuation is also primarily associated with Israel.

The Vizhnitz dynasty originated in Bukovina. It is associated with Menachem Mendel Hager (1830–1884), and the line itself grew out of an earlier Kosov tradition. Today, Vizhnitz is one of the largest and most influential courts in Israel, with a strong presence in Bnei Brak, Jerusalem, and American communities. Next to it stands Nadvorna, founded by Mordechai Leifer (1835–1894) in Nadvorna; now it is not just one center, but a whole network of branches, especially noticeable in Bnei Brak and Jerusalem. Zvil, originating from Zvyagel, is not large in numbers, but remains a very respected name in Jerusalem.

The Ukrainian space is also associated with Belz, Mukachevo, Savran, and Skole. The Belz dynasty was founded by Shalom Rokeach (1779–1855) at the beginning of the 19th century, and today it is one of the largest Hasidic courts in the world, restored after the Holocaust in Israel. Munkacs / Mukachevo is associated with strict Carpathian traditionalism. Savran is an old Podolian line, and Skole today more often appears in international lists under the form Skole/Skolye, which is important for historical accuracy.

In the middle of this whole story, it is especially noticeable that NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency approaches the topic not as a museum exotic, but as a living bridge between Ukraine and Israel. Because for the Israeli audience, this is not an abstract history of Eastern Europe: a significant part of today’s centers of Ukrainian-origin dynasties is located precisely in Jerusalem and Bnei Brak, and the pilgrimage to Uman, the memory of Chernobyl, Belz, Sadigura, and Vizhnitz have long become part of the modern Jewish religious world.

All 37 notable dynasties: names, dates, origins, and where their centers are now

If you compile a working list of the 37 most famous lines, it is more convenient to divide it into several large groups.

The first is the earliest system-forming centers: the circle of Baal Shem Tov in Medzhybizh, the school of the Maggid of Mezeritch, early Karlin-Stolin with Aaron of Karlin (1736–1772), Lubavitch/Chabad, founded by Shneur Zalman of Liadi (1745–1812), as well as Polish intellectual lines Lublin, Pshiskha, and Kotzk. They are not always the most numerous today, but without them, it is impossible to understand how Hasidism turned from a spiritual movement into a system of hereditary courts. Chabad today is a global network with a center in New York; Karlin-Stolin maintains strong positions in Israel and the USA; Kotzk and Lublin live more as lines of influence in other dynasties.

The second large group is the Ukrainian-Bukovinian-Volhynian belt, which makes Ukraine so important in Hasidic history. This includes Berdichev, Medzhybizh, Breslov, Chernobyl, Skver, Rakhmastrivka, Tolna, Trisk, Ruzhin, Boyan, Sadigura, Vizhnitz, Kosov, Nadvorna, Makhnovka, Zvil, Belz, Mukachevo, Savran, Skole, and related lines. It is here that you can see how from the towns and villages of present-day Ukraine grew courts that today live in Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, Brooklyn, Monsey, London, and Antwerp.

The third group is Polish, Galician, Hungarian, and post-war world dynasties. Here, at the forefront are Ger, founded by Yitzchak Meir Alter (1798–1866), Alexander, Bobov, Sanz, Klausenburg, Sighet, Satmar, Pupa, Tosh, Modzitz, Radzyn-Izbica, Biala, Amshinov, as well as Jerusalem anti-Zionist circles like Shomer Emunim, Toldos Aharon, and Toldos Avrohom Yitzchok. There is already less Ukrainian origin here, but these lines determine the modern numbers and political-religious weight of the Hasidic world. Satmar, for example, formed as a separate force under Joel Teitelbaum (1887–1979), was restored in New York after the war and is today considered one of the largest Hasidic groups in the world. Ger is now one of the largest courts in Israel. Bobov and Klausenburg are especially noticeable in the USA and Israel.

A brief guide to the dynasties and their current status

• Chabad-Lubavitch — late 18th century, Shneur Zalman of Liadi, today a world center in New York.
• Breslov — turn of the 18th–19th centuries, Rabbi Nachman of Breslov, the strongest center of memory — Uman, and living communities are especially noticeable in Israel.
• Belz — early 19th century, Shalom Rokeach, today the largest center in Jerusalem.
• Chernobyl — 18th century, Menachem Nachum Twersky, continues through many branches.
• Skver — Ukrainian origin, modern center in New Square, New York.
• Rakhmastrivka — Ukrainian branch, centers in Jerusalem and Brooklyn.
• Tolna and Trisk — old Volhynian lines, preserved as smaller but living branches.
• Ruzhin — mid-19th century, Israel Friedman, gave rise to the entire “house of Ruzhin”.
• Boyan — one of the Ruzhin branches, historically Bukovina, today center in Jerusalem.
• Sadigura — also a Ruzhin line, today primarily associated with Israel.
• Vizhnitz — 19th century, Hagers, one of the largest Israeli courts in Bnei Brak.
• Nadvorna — 19th century, Leifers, today a network of branches in Israel.
• Makhnovka — Ukrainian line, modern center in Bnei Brak.
• Zvil — historical Ukrainian court, especially respected in Jerusalem.
• Mukachevo — Carpathian line, played a significant role in Hungarian-Carpathian Hasidism.
• Savran — old Podolian line, today small but historically significant.
• Kosov — ancestor for Vizhnitz, Ukrainian by origin line.
• Ger — Polish dynasty, today one of the most influential courts in Israel.
• Alexander — very large Polish dynasty before the Holocaust, then restored.
• Bobov — Galician line, strong in Brooklyn.
• Sanz — 19th century, Chaim Halberstam, gave many offshoots.
• Klausenburg — post-war restoration, noticeable in Netanya and the USA.
• Sighet — important Hungarian-Romanian line, ancestor for Satmar.
• Satmar — largest anti-Zionist dynasty with centers in New York and Israel.
• Pupa, Tosh, Modzitz, Radzyn-Izbica, Biala, Amshinov — smaller but stable lines with centers mainly in Israel and North America.
• Shomer Emunim, Toldos Aharon, Toldos Avrohom Yitzchok — already largely Jerusalem dynastic circles, defining the appearance of the radically conservative part of the Haredim.

Why this history is important for Israel right now

For the Israeli reader, the history of the Hasidic dynasties of Ukraine is not just a story about the past.

It is an explanation of why Ukrainian cities and towns occupy such a place in the religious memory of Israel, why Uman gathers pilgrims annually, why the names Belz, Vizhnitz, Boyan, or Satmar are heard in the Knesset, in the religious press, in debates about the state, and in the everyday life of ultra-Orthodox neighborhoods.

Historical Ukraine did not give Hasidism a periphery, but one of its central foundations.

And if you remove the controversial number “37” as too rigid a formula, the picture becomes even stronger. Ukraine was not just one of the sites, but a space where Hasidism took shape as a mass movement, and then gave rise to entire families of dynasties, whose living centers are now located in Israel and the USA. From Medzhybizh and Breslov to Bnei Brak and Brooklyn — this is one long historical line that remains part of the Jewish world today.

The history of Ukraine and the Jews: why the conversation about Hasidism cannot be separated from the history of the country itself

The history of the Jews on the lands of present-day Ukraine began long before the appearance of Hasidism.

Encyclopedic sources indicate that Jewish settlements existed here even in ancient times — in Crimea and in the Greek colonies of the northern Black Sea coast. Later, Jewish life developed in the cities and towns of different historical eras — from Kievan Rus and the Lithuanian-Polish period to the Russian Empire and Austria-Hungary.

Jewish life became especially noticeable in the early modern period, when on Ukrainian lands the very world of shtetls, markets, fairs, crafts, and religious scholarship was forming, which would later be called shtetl. It was in this environment that the human and cultural landscape was formed, from which both the Hasidic courts and the powerful tradition of Eastern European Jewry in general emerged.

The shtetl was one of the key forms of Jewish life in Eastern Europe, and the Ukrainian waves of pogroms in the 20th century and then the Holocaust became a catastrophe for this world.

At the same time, the history of the relationship between the Jews and the Ukrainian lands was never simple or linear.

There were periods of growth, trade, religious flourishing, and cultural coexistence, but there were also severe catastrophes. One of the early tragedies was the Khmelnytsky Uprising of 1648–1649, during which many Jewish communities in Ukraine were destroyed or devastated; this is recorded in reference articles on Podolia and in historical descriptions of individual cities.

And yet, after these upheavals, Jewish life on Ukrainian lands did not disappear, but began to grow again.

By the 18th century, there was already a dense network of communities here, and it was against this background that Hasidism arose. Hasidism became exceptionally popular precisely in Ukraine and in the first decades covered most of the traditional Jewish population of this region. In other words, Ukraine was not the periphery of this process, but one of its central stages.

In the 19th century, the significance of Ukrainian lands for the Jewish world was colossal. By the end of the 19th century, more than a quarter of the entire Jewish population of the world lived on ethnic Ukrainian territory. This means that the conversation about the history of Jews in Ukraine is not a narrow regional topic, but part of world Jewish history.

That is why names like Berdichev, Uman, Belz, Chernobyl, Breslov, Vizhnitz, or Sadigura still resonate far beyond Ukraine itself.

But the 20th century brought a new blow.

Waves of violence, civil war, pogroms of 1905 and especially 1918–1921 hit the Jewish communities of Ukraine hard. Then the Nazi occupation turned a significant part of this history into a history of destruction.

After the Holocaust and the Soviet period, Jewish life on Ukrainian lands could no longer return to its former scale. Many centers were destroyed, many families emigrated, religious life was under pressure for decades. But the memory did not disappear.

After the collapse of the USSR, in independent Ukraine, the revival of community, cultural, and religious life began; by the end of the 1990s, hundreds of Jewish organizations and community structures were operating in the country.

That is why the history of Jews in Ukraine is not only a history of tragedies. It is a history of deep rootedness, religious creativity, trade, the Yiddish language, shtetl civilization, pilgrimage, Hasidic dynasties, and then the severe ruptures caused by the violence of the 20th century.

For the Israeli audience, this is especially important: many lines that today live in Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, Safed, Brooklyn, or Monsey trace their origins to the cities and towns of present-day Ukraine. In this sense, the connection between Ukraine and the Jewish world is not a museum topic, but a living part of modern Jewish memory.

Which cities in Ukraine today remain the main points of Hasidic life

If we talk not about old names on the map, but about real modern presence, then in Ukraine today we can highlight several main points of Hasidic life, memory, and pilgrimage.

In the first place, undoubtedly, is Uman. It is here that the grave of Rabbi Nachman of Breslov is located, and the city remains the main center of Breslov pilgrimage. In 2025, Ukraine officially recognized the grave of Rabbi Nachman in Uman as a national heritage site, and the city continues to receive tens of thousands of pilgrims, primarily on Rosh Hashanah.

A separate place is occupied by Hadiach in the Poltava region. For CHABAD, this is one of the most important points on the map of Ukraine, because it is there that Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi, the founder of CHABAD-Lubavitch, is buried. Hadiach remains a place of pilgrimage and a symbolic connection of CHABAD with Ukrainian land.

If we talk about active community life, then important cities remain Kyiv, Dnipro, Odessa, Chernivtsi, and Kharkiv, where Jewish religious centers and structures continue to operate, including those associated with Hasidic and Chabad traditions. The European Jewish Congress directly notes the continued existence of Jewish communities in Ukraine, despite the war and migration.

At the same time, it is necessary to understand the difference between a historical center of a dynasty and a modern Hasidic court. Cities like Belz, Breslov, Chernobyl, Vizhnitz, Nadvorna, Skvira, Rakhmastrivka, Zvyagel, Mukachevo, and Skole remain extremely important as places of origin of dynasties and historical memory, but the main active dynastic headquarters of these lines today are mostly located in Israel and the USA. Therefore, the modern map of Hasidic Ukraine is primarily Uman, Hadiach, and major cities with living communities, rather than the return of old courts in their full classical form.

Read more in our regular section “Jews from Ukraine“.

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Ukraine in May 2026 sharply intensified strikes on Russian oil infrastructure. According to Bloomberg, cited by Ukrainian and international publications, eight out of the ten largest oil refining facilities in Russia were attacked in a month, and the total number of strikes on oil facilities became a record since the beginning of the full-scale war.

This no longer looks like a series of separate episodes. It is about a consistent strategy aimed at reducing Russia’s ability to refine oil, produce fuel, support military logistics, and earn from energy exports.

What happened in May: dates, targets, and geography of strikes

In May, Ukrainian strikes targeted a number of Russian refineries and related facilities. Reuters specifically mentioned Yaroslavl, Tuapse, Perm, Nizhny Novgorod, Ryazan, Syzran, Novokuibyshevsk, Kirishi, Ufa, Astrakhan, the Moscow refinery, as well as oil terminals and storage infrastructure among the affected directions.

On May 7, according to Reuters, the Perm refinery stopped processing after a drone attack. This plant processed about 12.6 million tons of oil in 2024, or approximately 250 thousand barrels per day.

On May 15, Ukrainian drones struck a refinery in Ryazan. Ryazan is located about 200 km southeast of Moscow, which again showed that the risk zone for Russia has long gone beyond the frontline regions.

By the end of the month, the strikes continued. On the night of May 31, Ukrainian drones, according to Reuters, hit the Saratov refinery, the Lazarevo pumping station in the Kirov region, and a fuel facility in Matveyev Kurgan in the Rostov region. Russian authorities acknowledged fires and damage, although they traditionally did not disclose the full extent of the damage.

Why repeated strikes have become an important part of the strategy

The key point of May is not only the number of attacks but also their repeatability. According to Bloomberg, Ukraine intensified strikes on the same targets to complicate quick repairs and prevent Russian oil refining from quickly returning to previous volumes.

According to this logic, the attack ceases to be a one-time demonstration of capabilities. It turns into pressure on the production cycle: damage, repair, new strike, new stoppage, increased costs, disruption of supply schedules.

For the Israeli audience, there is a clear analogy here. In modern wars, infrastructure has become no less important a target than military bases. Fuel is the movement of equipment, supply of the front, operation of aviation, transportation of ammunition, and the ability of the state to withstand a prolonged campaign.

Oil refining falls: why this is painful for Moscow

Reuters reported on May 20 that the combined capacity of Russian refineries that fully or partially stopped operations after the strikes exceeded 83 million tons per year. These enterprises provide a significant share of Russian gasoline and diesel, so the consequences are felt not only on paper but also in logistics, exports, and the domestic fuel market.

According to Reuters calculations, from January to May, Ukrainian attacks disabled about 700 thousand barrels per day of primary processing capacities at 16 refineries. This is twice as many affected plants as in the same period of 2025.

Separately, Reuters wrote that in May, diesel production in Russia decreased by another 10% after a similar decline in April. For a country trying to wage a large war, this is no longer just industrial statistics but an indicator of pressure on the resource base.

Strike not only on refineries but also on logistics

Ukraine strikes not only at processing facilities. Oil storage facilities, terminals, pipeline infrastructure, and objects related to fuel transportation are also hit.

This is especially important in the context of Crimea and the occupied territories. When not just one plant is destroyed, but an entire chain—production, storage, transportation, delivery—Russia faces problems not only with repairs but also with fuel distribution.

That is why reports of disruptions and restrictions on gasoline sales in Crimea amid strikes on Russian infrastructure do not look like a random episode but part of a broader picture. Reuters also noted on May 31 that Russian authorities in Crimea announced restrictions on gasoline sales amid ongoing attacks on fuel infrastructure.

In the middle of this topic, it is important to see not only the military but also the regional meaning. NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such events as part of a large link Ukraine — Middle East — energy — security: the less stability Russia has in the fuel system, the harder it is for it to finance and continue the war, which directly affects countries monitoring the balance of power in Europe and around Israel.

Why May became a turning point for Russian oil infrastructure

The May attacks show a change in the Ukrainian approach. Strikes are not only on primary processing facilities, which can sometimes be restored relatively quickly, but also on more complex secondary facilities, storage, and logistics nodes. This increases the cost of repairs and extends recovery times.

Bloomberg, according to Ukrainian retellings of the publication, assessed May’s processing in Russia as falling by about 13% year-on-year, to one of the lowest levels in many years. Ukrainian publications, citing Bloomberg, wrote that the figure could become the lowest since October 2009.

What this means for Ukraine and its allies

For Kyiv, such a strategy has several goals.

The first is to weaken the Russian military machine without direct confrontation with each unit on the front. If the army loses fuel stability, it is harder to move equipment, supply occupation groups, and maintain the pace of operations.

The second is to hit Russia’s income and industrial confidence. Oil and oil products remain one of the foundations of the Russian economy, which means that attacks on processing and exports hit the financial base of the war.

The third is to show that the Russian hinterland is no longer safe. Perm, Yaroslavl, Ryazan, Saratov, Kirishi, Kirov region—this is no longer the front line. This is Russia’s internal industrial map, which now also lives under the pressure of Ukrainian long-range capabilities.

Israeli perspective: why this story matters beyond Ukraine

For Israel, this topic is important not only as news about the war in Europe. Russia remains a player in the Middle East, has ties with Iran, and continues to use energy resources as a political tool.

When Ukraine consistently reduces Russian capabilities in oil refining, it strikes not only at gasoline or diesel. It reduces the space for Russian power—military, economic, and diplomatic.

Therefore, May 2026 can be considered the month when the Ukrainian strategy of long-range strikes on the Russian oil system became noticeably larger in scale. The statistics, geography, and repeatability of the attacks show: this is no longer a series of random hits, but systematic pressure on infrastructure, without which the war for Russia becomes more expensive, more difficult, and less sustainable.

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At the beginning of November 2025, in Lucerne, Switzerland, Lidiya Klimovna Savchuk quietly passed away — one of the last living Ukrainian Righteous Among the Nations. She was 100 years old. Not a politician, not a media star — an ordinary woman at first glance, who once said “yes” to another’s life in her youth and lived with that choice for the rest of her life.

Bright Shadow of a Century

If we lay out her path in dry lines, we get an almost textbook list: 1925 — birth in Vinnytsia. 1941–1944 — German occupation, underground help to Jews and Soviet soldiers. 1950s — family, children, Kyiv. January 2, 1995 — recognition as Righteous Among the Nations at Yad Vashem. February 2022 — a new war, this time Putin’s-Russian. April 2022 — evacuation from Kyiv. November 2025 — death in Lucerne.

But between these dates — the concrete basements of Vinnytsia, the attic where a soldier was hidden, a cry at the market where Lidiya was once beaten for helping her brother’s Jewish friend, night raids, a communal apartment in Kyiv, an evacuation car under the wail of sirens, and a Swiss lake where the Alps are peacefully reflected.

This chain is her life.

Between Hitler and Putin: A Century of One Woman

The story of Lidiya Savchuk is striking because she literally walked the fault line between two different but very similar wars. In her youth, Hitler came at her with his “racial theory” and punishers in Vinnytsia. In her old age — Putin with the “Russian world” and missiles on Kyiv. Two different eras, two different forms of propaganda, but the same cold view of people as “material.”

In the 1940s, Nazi Germany decided who had the right to live and who did not. The Jewish soldier whom the Savchuk family hid in the attic was simply “superfluous” in the logic of the Reich. In 2022, the Russian authorities similarly tried to erase Ukrainians from reality — “there is no such nation,” “artificial state,” “subject to denazification.” For Lidiya, all these formulas were not abstractions: first, she hid a person whom Hitler wanted to erase, and then she herself ended up in a city that Putin tried to intimidate into silence.

Between these two regimes is her century. The Vinnytsia attic, where food was whispered to the soldier “Ivan Petrov,” who was actually the Kyiv Jew Isaak Tartakovsky. The Kyiv apartment, where at 98 she listened to sirens and asked her daughter to move the bed away from the window so that shards wouldn’t hit. The car that diplomats and volunteers used to take her out of Kyiv — a mirror reflection of how her family once took Isaak out of a dangerous house to another part of the city.

To simplify to the extreme: Hitler built a world where people like Tartakovsky should not have existed. Putin builds a world where people like Lidiya and her Ukrainian neighbors are preferably “unheard and unseen.” And in the midst of this — one woman who at 17 said “yes” to another’s life, and at 98 heard “we must save you” from other people and other states.

Lidiya Savchuk lived her life literally between two Nazis — the old and the new, the “classic” and the modern. But she never became like either of them. It is from this point — the comparison of two wars and one human choice — that her biography should be viewed further.

The Savchuk House: Vinnytsia, Attic, and Soldier “Ivan Petrov”

Lidiya was born in Vinnytsia to Stepan and Nadezhda Savchuk. Under one roof with her parents lived her brother Valentin. Life went on like thousands of families in Soviet Ukraine until June 22, 1941 — the day when Germany and the USSR, having previously divided Poland, the Baltics, and Romania, started a war between themselves.

Valentin was drafted into the “Red Army.” Communication with him soon disappeared. The fear for their son became a constant background for the Savchuks. And it was this feeling — anxiety for their own child — that later pushed them not to turn away from another’s.

In March 1942, a man came to the Savchuk house. He introduced himself: “Ivan Petrov”, a Soviet soldier who escaped from a German prisoner-of-war camp. There were thousands of similar stories in Ukraine at the time, but this one turned out to be special.

The family decided to take him in. Petrov settled in the attic. Lidiya brought him food, talked to him, listened to his fragmentary stories. Gradually, he realized: these people could be trusted. He noticed that Lidiya and her parents were already helping others — bringing food to Jewish acquaintances, sometimes hiding them for a short time.

Not long before, the best friend of their son Valentin — a Jew — had already been hiding in the Savchuk house. He was once recognized at the market; Lidiya was brutally beaten for it. The experience was terrifying, but it did not stop the family.

When Petrov realized that the Savchuks were ready to risk not just in words, he revealed the truth: “My name is Isaak Tartakovsky. I am a Jew from Kyiv.”

By this time, Kyiv had already experienced Babi Yar, and Vinnytsia — mass killings of Jews and the creation of a ghetto. Isaak knew: without a family like the Savchuks, he had almost no chance.

Vinnytsia Attic, Old Town, and Liberation

From that moment, Isaak lived with the Savchuks under, for them, his real name, although officially he continued to be listed as “Ivan Petrov.” His refuge was the attic. When patrols passed by the street or inspectors came into the house, he climbed higher and hid.

In April 1943, the family received an order to vacate the house: German soldiers wanted to settle in it. The Savchuks had to hastily pack their things. It seemed like a convenient moment to “accidentally forget” about the Jewish neighbor. But they took Isaak with them.

The family moved to the Vinnytsia suburb Old Town. There they introduced him as a relative. In the new room, everything was simple: beds, a table, a couple of chairs. But there was also an attic where Isaak went when inspectors or officials came to check documents.

In the fall of 1943, the Vinnytsia ghetto was finally liquidated, and the remaining Jews were killed. A few people managed to escape and, trying to save themselves, knocked on the doors of local residents. Against this backdrop of tightening regime, the Savchuks had to be even more cautious: the slightest mistake could cost not only their lives but also the life of the person they were sheltering.

March 20, 1944, the Soviet army came to Vinnytsia. Isaak came out of hiding, returned to the troops. The family saw him off as they would a relative. They did not know if they would see each other again.

Meeting on the Street and Family After the War

After the war, Isaak Tartakovsky was demobilized, graduated from the Kyiv Art Institute, and stayed in the capital. He started with small orders, gradually becoming a well-known artist. This was already another life — with a studio, paints, and canvases, but the memory of Vinnytsia did not disappear.

In early 1951, something happened that is usually presented in films with music. Isaak was walking down a Kyiv street — and suddenly saw a familiar face. It was Lidiya. A chance meeting, a few words, then another meeting — already planned.

Two years later, in 1953, they got married. For some, it’s a romantic plot about a “savior and the saved,” but for them, it was a union of people who went through the same fire.

They had two children — Anatoliy and Elena. Both followed the artistic line. Paintings, studios, exhibitions — all this became a continuation of the story that once began in the Vinnytsia house with an attic.

Kyiv Years and Recognition by Yad Vashem

The family settled in Kyiv. Lidiya worked, kept house, supported her husband. In their home, memories of Vinnytsia occasionally surfaced: about brother Valentin, about the Jews they tried to help, about how she lay on the ground after being beaten at the market. But these were conversations “for their own,” without pathos.

Only in the 1990s did the Savchuk story receive official continuation. January 2, 1995, Yad Vashem awarded Stepan, Nadezhda, and Lidiya Savchuk the title of Righteous Among the Nations. A neat frame with a document and a medal appeared on the wall in the Kyiv apartment.

For Lidiya, it was not so much an “award” as a confirmation: what they did was indeed seen and recorded.

When War Returned: February 2022

By the time of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Lidiya was 98 years old. She lived in Kyiv, with her daughter Elena and son-in-law Oleg.

The night of February 23 to 24, 2022, shattered the usual silence: explosions, news, calls. Soon one of the shellings hit their house — broken windows, glass shards, cold air in the apartment. Lidiya’s health was already poor: dementia, weakness, dependence on others’ help.

They talked to her about evacuation — train, bus, volunteer cars. According to relatives, she initially just shook her head: “Leave? Again?”. She had already seen once how a war ends and did not believe that she would manage to escape a second time.

For almost one and a half months, the family lived under sirens. Nights in the corridor, bags with things by the door, conversations about which medicines were missing. At some point, it became clear: staying meant “playing roulette.”

Road to a New Life: Diplomats, Foundation, and Border

Lidiya’s story reached people involved in rescuing vulnerable groups — Holocaust survivors, Righteous, the elderly.

From the Israeli side, Ambassador to Ukraine Michael Brodsky got involved. On the other — British public figure Jonny Daniels and his organization From The Depths. They did what they do best: turned the story of a specific person into a very practical plan.

On April 11, 2022, Lidiya was put in a car and taken out of Kyiv. Along the way — checkpoints, destroyed buildings, missile craters. For her, it was the second evacuation in her life. At the Polish border, her status as Righteous and the attention of Israeli diplomats helped: document checks, approvals — all this was done as quickly as possible.

Then — more roads, and finally — Switzerland.

Lucerne: Lake, Mountains, and Quiet End of the Story

Lucerne greeted her with different air: humid, lake, with the smell of rain and coffee. Lidiya’s granddaughter had found a small apartment in advance. There was everything simple but important: a bed, a window with a view of a piece of sky, a kitchen where you could cook soup, and an elevator — without it, the wheelchair would not be lowered.

The Swiss foundation Gamaraal Foundation, which has been supporting Holocaust survivors and those who saved them for many years, got involved in her fate. The head of the foundation Anita Winter helped organize doctors, medicines, basic care.

Lidiya almost did not walk, but for some time she still had clear moments. Her daughter Elena did everything to ensure these moments were not associated with hospital walls but with something alive. If possible, she took her mother to Lake Lucerne: water, boats, children with ice cream, the noise of buses — ordinary peaceful life, which Kyiv so lacked.

It was here, in Lucerne, that Lidiya’s story became known to the European audience. Blick and SonntagsBlick wrote about her, published photos, and told how one woman survived two wars and was saved twice — first in Vinnytsia, then in Kyiv.

Last Autumn and November 2025

By 2024, Lidiya turned 99. She was congratulated at home, without loud events. Doctors spoke cautiously: the condition was severe but stable for such an age.

In the fall of 2025, her body began to give up. She slept more and reacted less to conversations. The family decided not to send her to the hospital. Elena sat nearby, held her hand, sometimes read aloud or played Ukrainian songs that reminded her of childhood.

At the beginning of November, Lidiya Savchuk’s heart stopped.

The Gamaraal Foundation reported her death, and the Ukrainian publication JewishNews wrote an obituary: one of the last Ukrainian Righteous Among the Nations died in Lucerne. She was buried in Switzerland, but part of her biography remained forever in Vinnytsia and Kyiv.

Why We Need to Know Her Name

The story of Lidiya Savchuk is not just a plot about saving a Jew and evacuating an old woman from Kyiv. It is a route that connects Vinnytsia, Babi Yar, Kyiv, Yad Vashem, the border of Ukraine and Poland, Swiss Lucerne, and dozens of people who at different times said: “We owe her.”

• For Ukraine, it is an example that human dignity is not exhausted by regimes or borders.
• For Israel — a living illustration of why the institution of the Righteous appeared at all.
• For Europe — a reminder that war and genocide are not abstractions, but specific faces, addresses, attics, and kitchens where decisions are made.

Remembering the name Lidiya Savchuk means acknowledging that history does not end in archives. It continues in how we relate to someone else’s misfortune today.

Name: Lidiya Klimovna Savchuk
Place of Birth: Vinnytsia, Ukrainian SSR
Main Feat: sheltering Isaak Tartakovsky and other Jews during the German occupation
Title: Righteous Among the Nations (Yad Vashem, January 2, 1995)
Years of Life: 1925–2025

And yes: this is that rare story where the word “righteous” sounds not like a cliché, but as a literal description of the profession — to be human.

What This Means for Us — NAnews. News of Israel

For NAnews — News of Israel — the story of Lidiya Savchuk is not a “beautiful plot from the past,” but a mirror of what is happening with us today. One Ukrainian righteous woman lived a century between Hitler and Putin, and both regimes at different times tried to deprive her of her home, her country, and her right to a peaceful old age.

When Israel and Jewish organizations help such a woman escape from a destroyed Kyiv and meet her last years by a lake in Lucerne, it is not charity “for the sake of appearances.” It is a direct answer to the question: who are we — the descendants of the saved and the saviors — in a world where peaceful cities are shot at again and the language of hatred sounds again.

For Israelis, for Ukrainians in Israel, for Jews in Ukraine, this story is a reminder that our common experience of the Holocaust, Soviet repressions, and today’s wars of Ukraine and Israel is one long, very inconvenient conclusion for dictators: people like Lidiya Savchuk cannot be intimidated to the end.

And if today Putin’s Russia tries to play “fight against Nazism,” we must each time call things by their names: Nazism is where cities are destroyed, children are deported, and the existence of an entire nation is denied. That is why NAnews will continue to tell such stories — about those who did not agree to be a victim neither under Hitler nor under Putin, and about those who today choose to be on the side of “light,” not on the side of the aggressor.

Sources

At the age of 100, one of the last Righteous Among the Nations from Ukraine, Lidiya Savchuk, died

Lidiya Savchuk — DontBeABystander.org

The incredible story of Lidia Savchuk — Blick

One life, two wars — SonntagsBlick / Swiss Press Award

Aid campaign Ukraine — Gamaraal Foundation

NOW LIVES IN SWITZERLAND “RIGHTEOUS AMONG THE NATIONS” FLED THE WAR IN UKRAINE (PDF, Jewish Europe)

This is 97-year-old Lidia Savchuk, a Righteous Among the Nations… — Gamaraal Foundation (Instagram)

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Iranian prince in exile Reza Pahlavi spoke at the Black Sea Security Forum in Odessa on May 30, 2026, linking Russia’s war against Ukraine with the repressions and foreign policy of the regime in Tehran. His main thesis was harsh: Russian aggression and Iranian dictatorship can no longer be considered separate crises.

Pahlavi, the son of the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, stated that Ukraine and the Iranian people are effectively confronting the same logic of violence. According to him, the Shahed drones, which Russia uses to attack Ukrainian cities, were created by the same regime that suppressed protests in Iran and continues to hold power through fear.

Odessa as a meeting point of Ukrainian and Iranian pain

Pahlavi’s speech took place in Odessa — a city that, since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, has become one of the key targets of Russian attacks in the south of the country. That is why his words about the city that ‘looks aggression in the eye’ and does not surrender sounded not like a diplomatic formula, but as a political signal.

For the Israeli audience, this speech has a separate meaning. Iranian Shahed drones have long become not only a Ukrainian topic. The Iranian regime simultaneously threatens Israel, supports anti-Western and anti-Israeli forces in the Middle East, and helps Russia wage war against Ukraine.

Pahlavi formulated this through a simple and strong phrase: ‘Shahed sees no difference between a house in Kharkiv, a commercial office in Dubai, or a square in Tehran.’ In this logic, Ukrainian Kharkiv, the Iranian capital, and regional centers of the Middle East find themselves in the same risk zone.

Why Pahlavi’s words are important for Israel

Israel knows well what the Iranian threat is. But the speech in Odessa added a Ukrainian dimension to this topic: Tehran acts not only through proxy networks and missile programs but also through the export of war technologies that Russia uses against Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure.

This makes Russian-Iranian cooperation not an abstract alliance of regimes, but a practical mechanism of pressure on democratic states. Ukraine faces this on its territory. Israel — through regional security, threats from Iran, and the consequences of instability in the Middle East.

Moscow and Tehran as ‘co-architects of chaos’

Pahlavi called Russia and the regime in Tehran not just partners, but ‘co-architects of chaos.’ According to him, both regimes operate in a similar pattern: first suppressing their own citizens, then transferring this model of power outward — against neighbors, democratic societies, and international order.

He reminded that the Russian regime is fighting not only against Ukraine. In a broader context, Moscow acts against democracy, against Georgia, and together with the Islamic Republic — against Syria and Ukraine. Such an alliance, according to Pahlavi, tests the reaction of the free world and calculates the next steps based on how weak or decisive the West’s response will be.

It is here that Pahlavi’s position intersects with the Ukrainian and Israeli experience. Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this topic not as a distant foreign policy, but as part of a common security line: Iran, Russia, drones, proxy wars, and pressure on the civilian population are much more closely connected than often stated in official declarations.

Sanctions, drones, and the infrastructure of aggression

Pahlavi specifically emphasized that sanctions should be directed not only against political symbols but also against the real mechanisms of aggression. This concerns armies, drone production factories, logistical structures, financial channels, and networks that allow regimes to continue the war.

Such an approach is important for both Ukraine and Israel. If Iran’s drone industry continues to operate, its products may appear on different fronts — from Ukrainian cities to regions where Iranian influence directly affects Israeli security.

Pahlavi also warned the West against negotiations with authoritarian regimes as a universal path to peace. His formula was crystal clear: negotiations with tyrants do not lead to peace, they lead to tyranny.

What lies behind the call not to negotiate with dictators

Reza Pahlavi cited the example of the Soviet Union, stating that previous compromises rather postponed confrontation than resolved it. In his logic, weakness in the face of dictatorships does not reduce the risk of war, but only postpones it to the next stage — often with more severe consequences.

This thesis is especially sensitive for Ukraine, which has been facing the consequences of attempts to ‘freeze’ Russian aggression for many years instead of stopping it. For Israel, it also does not seem theoretical: every round of concessions and underestimation of Iran’s strategy in the region sooner or later returns with new threats.

Pahlavi urged the West to support not only Ukraine but also the democratic opposition in Iran. According to him, the Russian-Iranian threat should be considered as a single problem, not as a set of separate crises.

Who is Reza Pahlavi

Reza Pahlavi is the son of the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. As a child, he was proclaimed heir to the throne, but after the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the monarchy in Iran was overthrown, and the Pahlavi family went into exile.

Today he remains one of the most famous figures of the Iranian opposition. His public position is built around the idea of democratic change in Iran, support for civil resistance, and pressure on the regime, which he considers a threat not only to Iranians but to the entire free world.

The speech in Odessa showed that the Ukrainian war is increasingly becoming a place where different lines of global confrontation converge. Russia, Iran, Shahed drones, Black Sea security, the Middle East, and the fate of democratic movements can no longer be considered separately.

For Israel, this conversation also has direct significance. When Iranian technology is used against Ukraine, and Moscow and Tehran strengthen each other, it is not about a foreign war, but about a system of threats that in various forms affects Kharkiv, Odessa, Tel Aviv, and the entire region.

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In Ukraine, the construction of a network of underground schools for children who continue to live and study in frontline regions is ongoing. According to the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, 113 such facilities are currently at various stages of construction, and more than 60% of them are planned to be completed by September 1, 2026 — by the start of the new academic year.

This is not just an infrastructure project. For a country that has been living under Russian attacks for four years, an underground school becomes the answer to the question of how to preserve education where a regular school building no longer guarantees safety.

What exactly is Ukraine building and why is it important

The Minister of Education and Science of Ukraine, Oksen Lisovyi, reported that more than 100 underground schools are already operating in the country. Another 113 are currently under construction, with facilities at various stages of readiness.

Each such school is designed for approximately 500–1000 children. According to the plan, the system of protected educational spaces should provide the opportunity for about 100,000 students to study offline. Primarily, this concerns frontline communities where, due to Russian missile and drone attacks, children often remain in a remote format for years.

The cost of safety

Such projects are expensive. According to Lisovyi, one facility for 500–1000 children can cost approximately 80–120 million hryvnias. This depends on the content, technical requirements, depth of protection, engineering solutions, and conditions of the specific community.

But in the Ukrainian context, this price is no longer perceived as a luxury, but as a new reality of war. An underground school is not a bomb shelter with desks, but an attempt to return children to a normal school day: lessons, live communication, teachers nearby, breaks, the feeling of a class and school, and not just a laptop screen at home.

In 2026, the state allocated 5 billion hryvnias for the construction of such schools. Separately, for the first time, 1 billion hryvnias is allocated for underground kindergartens. Currently, according to the minister, 18 such kindergartens are being built.

Russian strikes have changed the very model of education

Since the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion, Ukraine’s education system has suffered enormous damage. According to data announced by Oksen Lisovyi, more than 400 educational institutions were completely destroyed, and over 4,000 were damaged. Among the affected facilities are higher education institutions: 153 university buildings were damaged, and three university buildings were completely destroyed.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is understandable not only as news from Ukraine. Israelis know well what it means to have a school near the threat of shelling, sirens, shelters, and the need to build civilian life around safety. But the Ukrainian scale is different: it involves hundreds of kilometers of the front, destroyed cities, mass migration, and children growing up in conditions of war.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this topic not only as Ukrainian educational news but as part of a broader picture: Ukraine, like Israel, is forced to find ways to maintain normal life under the constant threat from the aggressor. In both cases, the school becomes not just a place of study, but a symbol of societal resilience.

Why this concerns the Ukrainian community in Israel

For repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, and families with relatives remaining in Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipropetrovsk, Sumy, Mykolaiv, or other dangerous regions, this news has a personal dimension. An underground school is a chance for children to return to face-to-face learning where a regular school building may be too vulnerable.

It is also a signal: Ukraine is not abandoning frontline territories. If the state is building schools, kindergartens, and protected spaces, it means it plans for life in these communities not only during the war but also after it.

What will change by September 1, 2026

If the stated plans are fulfilled, by the start of the new academic year, a significant portion of the 113 underground schools under construction will be able to accept students. More than 60% of the facilities should be ready by September 1. This will not solve the entire problem of education during the war, but it will provide tens of thousands of children access to safer face-to-face learning.

Several difficult questions remain: will the pace of construction be sufficient, will communities be able to maintain such facilities, how will logistics be organized, and how many children will actually return to desks? Especially in cities and towns where families have already become accustomed to living between evacuation, remote learning, and constant anxiety.

The main meaning of the project

Underground schools show how war changes basic notions of normalcy. Previously, a school was associated with an open yard, a bell, bright corridors, and classrooms. Now, in parts of Ukraine, normalcy has to be built underground — with ventilation, protection, autonomous systems, and a plan for alarms.

But the meaning remains the same: children must learn, see teachers, communicate with peers, and not fall out of life just because Russia continues to attack civilian infrastructure.

For Ukraine, this is a question not only of education but also of demographics, the future of frontline regions, and people’s trust that their cities are not abandoned. For Israel, it is another reminder that the safety of children in the 21st century has become a common theme for societies living near war and terror.

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The Publishing House of “Dukh i Litera” is one of the oldest Ukrainian publishers of humanitarian literature, founded in 1992 at the Kyiv Mogilyan Academy. It specializes in the release of books on philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, theology and, above all, on Judaic.

For a Jewish audience in Israel, this publishing house is of particular interest, since it unites the traditions of the two peoples and helps to strengthen interethnic ties.

History and Mission of the Publishing House

The publishing house was created in 1992 on the basis of several research centers of the Kyiv Mogilyan Academy. His mission is to make high -quality humanitarian literature accessible to a wide range of readers, to preserve and convey the spiritual and cultural heritage, as well as stimulate a dialogue between Ukrainian and Israeli cultures.

Buying books is available on the publishing house – https://duh-i-litera.com/

The main achievements of the publishing house:

• Over more than 25 years of work, over 1000 items have been released.
• The most complete series of books on Judaic in Ukraine has been formed.
• Active cooperation with the center of Judaic of the Kyiv Mogilyansk Academy has been established.

As the director of the publishing house noted, Konstantin Sigov:

“We are sure that high-quality non-fiction should be available to everyone, and books are able to open new worlds and unite peoples.”

The main areas of activity

The Publishing House “Dukh i Litera” covers a wide range of humanitarian topics:

• Philosophy and theology:The release of classical works of European thought and Christian theology, contributing to spiritual enlightenment.
• History and culture:The publication of books on the history of the Jewish people, the study of the Holocaust and the analysis of Ukrainian-Jewish relations.
• Judaika:A special series of scientific and artistic works on the study of Jewish culture, religion, traditions and art.

A selection of books on the Judaic of the Publishing House “Dukh i Litera” in Ukrainian – https://duh-i-litera.com/bookstore/mfp/3f-kategoriya.judaka

What is Judaic?
Judaic is an interdisciplinary area of ​​research, covering history, religious studies, philosophy, literature and art of the Jewish people. It helps to understand the spiritual heritage, traditions, rites and intellectual achievements that have formed the identity of the Jewish community for centuries.

• Fiction:The publication of collections of prose and poetry, reflecting both classical and modern views on life, culture and national identity.

Particular attention is paid to Judaic books, since they are a unique contribution to the study and preservation of Jewish cultural heritage in Ukraine.

Significant projects and publications

The publishing house implements a number of key projects in cooperation with the center of Judaic of the Kyiv Mogilyansk Academy. Among the iconic publications can be distinguished:

• “Tegilim – Psalms” (Tom 1 and 2):Detailed comments on psalms that combine traditional interpretations with modern research.
• “Jewish addresses of Ukraine”:Guide to historical places related to Jewish culture in Ukraine.
• “Black Book”:A collection of materials dedicated to the Holocaust and the history of the Jewish people.
• “Culture by the Yiddish language”:The study of the traditions of Jewish culture through the prism of Yiddish.
• “Prayer for power”:Historical work on revolutionary processes in the relations of Ukrainians and Jews.
• “Jewish civilization. Oxford Judaic Textbook “:A fundamental textbook revealing the basics of Judaic.

Impact on intercultural dialogue

The Publishing House “Dukh i Litera” plays a key role in the development of interethnic dialogue. It not only issues books, but also organizes lectures, presentations and discussions, contributing to the meetings of scientists and readers. Such interaction is especially important for the Jewish audience in Israel, since it helps to deepen the understanding of the cultural heritage of Ukraine and helps to strengthen ties between peoples.

In analytical materials NAnews – Israeli News Repeatedly emphasized that cooperation in the field of humanities is a powerful tool for creating cultural bridges between Ukraine and Israel.

Founders

Konstantin Sigov

Co -founder, director

The philosopher and public figure, director of the Center for European Humanitarian Studies of the National University of the Kiev-Mogilyansk Academy, organizer of the annual international conference “Assumption Readings” and the Kyiv summer theological institute. It has rich experience in leading universities in the world (Sorbonne, Oxford, Stanford, Geneva, Luven, etc.). The author of the course “European culture: conflict of interpretations” in the science. Cavalier of the Order of Academic Palm (France).

Leonid Finberg

Co -founder, editor -in -chief

Sociologist, editor -in -chief of Spirit and Literal, Director of the Center for Research on History and Culture of Eastern European Hebrew Science. He edited a number of books of the publishing house, including “Jewish civilization. Oxford textbook on Judaic ”(in 2 volumes),“ Jews and Slavs ”,“ Maidan. Certificates ”(in 2 volumes) and others. The author of the book “On different and a little about yourself.” The editor-in-chief of the Almanac “Egupets”, a member of the Presidium of the Ukrainian Department of the International Pen-Club, the host of the UKRLIFETV program-“Spirit and Litecture: Dialogs about culture”.

Basic challenges and recommendations

Despite successes, the following tasks are faced with the publishing house:

• Financing and modernization:It is necessary to attract investments to update publishing infrastructure and implement modern technologies.
• Expansion of the audience:Active promotion of books and cultural projects both in Ukraine and abroad.
• Preservation of cultural heritage:Adaptation of classic texts for a modern reader without loss of original meaning.

We recommend to readers:

• Familiarize yourself with key publications (for example, “Tegilim – Psalms”, “Jewish addresses of Ukraine”).
• Participate in cultural events, lectures and presentations organized by the publishing house.
• Support projects, contributing to the strengthening of the interethnic dialogue between Ukraine and Israel.

International cooperation and prospects

The prospects of the publishing house are closely related to international cooperation. The expansion of partnerships with leading universities and cultural centers will not only increase the circulation of publications, but also provide access to high -quality humanitarian literature for a wide audience. This is especially true for Israel, where interest in research in Judaic is constantly growing.

Strategic tasks include:

• Innovative development of publishing Using modern digital technologies.
• Active involvement of investments for modernization of production.
• Strengthening cultural ties Through the organization of joint international projects.

Conclusion

The Publishing House “Dukh i Litera” is a unique cultural project uniting the Ukrainian and Israeli traditions through the prism of literature on Judaic. For more than 25 years, it has been a bridge between peoples, helps to maintain historical memory and develop a dialogue between cultures. High -quality literature is able not only to enlighten, but also to unite peoples, contributing to mutual understanding and cultural exchange.

We, the team NAnews sincerely recommend that you familiarize yourself with the work of the Publishing House “Spirit and Litera”. Support for such initiatives plays a decisive role in strengthening cultural ties between Ukraine and Israel, expanding the horizons of knowledge for all interested.

A selection of books on the Judaic of the Publishing House “Dukh i Litera” in Ukrainian – https://duh-i-litera.com/bookstore/mfp/3f-kategoriya.judaka

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Tamara Gverdtsiteli: great Georgian singer with Jewish roots. Category 🔯 — Jews from Ukraine #jewsukraine

“It was Putin who killed my mother” – “My Odessa, Odessa my mother is being bombed – we say goodbye to Russia.”

But besides her creativity, her life and story are associated with deep personal dramas and difficult decisions, especially after the outbreak of the war in Ukraine.

Tamara (Tamriko) Gverdtsiteli – a name well known in the post-Soviet space. This talented singer, actress and composer, People’s Artist of Georgia and other countries, won the hearts of millions with her voice and soulful music.

Tamara’s mother, Inna Volfovna Kofman, was Jewish and originally from Odessa, where her family was known for its Jewish heritage. Moreover, Tamara’s grandfather was an Odessa rabbi, which deeply connects her with Jewish culture and history.

After the start of Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the artist canceled her performance in Moscow at a festive concert dedicated to March 8th. According to Gverdtsiteli, she wanted to be close to her mother, who was born in Odessa and was very worried about Putin’s aggression.

“She cries often. All my ancestors are from Odessa. For my mother, all the streets there are native. It’s very hard for me to talk about this,” the singer said in an interview.

Tamara herself has mentioned more than once that with age she feels more and more her Jewish identity. In an interview she said:

“My father is Georgian, I was born and lived most of my life in Georgia, naturally, its culture had a tremendous influence on my life and work. But I was born and raised by a Jewish mother, and over the years I feel more and more my Jewish genes.”

This connection with the Jewish people was also evident in her work: she sang songs in Hebrew, emphasizing that for her it was “the call of the blood.”

The work of Tamara Gverdtsiteli: hits and achievements

Tamara Gverdtsiteli is not only a talented vocalist, but also an extensive creative heritage that spans several decades. Her musical career began in childhood: in the 1970s she became a soloist in the children’s ensemble “Mziuri”, with which she traveled to many cities of the Soviet Union.

After graduating from the music school at the Tbilisi Conservatory, her solo career rapidly gained momentum. In 1989, she received the title of People’s Artist of the Georgian SSR, and in 2004 – People’s Artist of Russia.

Among her most famous hits:

• “Vivat, king!” – a song written by Ukrainian poet Yuriy Rybchinsky became the singer’s calling card.
• “Mom’s eyes” – one of the most lyrical and touching compositions in her repertoire.
• “Children of War” – a song dedicated to the memory of the generation that survived the horrors of World War II.
• “Are you here” – a popular composition in Georgian.
• “How many years, how many winters” – a duet with Alexander Malinin, which occupied the top lines of the charts for a long time.

Her work was enriched with songs on Hebrewwhich have become an integral part of her repertoire. Among the most popular:

• “Jerusalem Shel Zahav” (“Jerusalem Golden”) – a legendary Israeli song performed with soulful depth.
• “Hallelujah” – a symbol of optimism and faith in a bright future, which won the hearts of her listeners.
• “Shir LaShalom” (“Song of Peace”) – a heartfelt hymn of hope, which she performed with special trepidation.

Tamara performs songs in eight languages, including Georgian, Ukrainian, Russian, French, English and Hebrew. Particularly notable are her performances in French, which have been compared to the traditions of Edith Piaf.

Tamara Gverdtsiteli actively collaborated with artists from different countries, including Ukraine and Israel, creating unique creative duets and projects.

Ukrainian artists

• Yuri Rybchinsky – legendary Ukrainian songwriter, author of many of Tamara’s songs, including her famous hit “Vivat, king!”which became one of her most famous works.
• Vladimir Grishko – world famous opera tenor. Tamara performed with him on the stage of the Dnepropetrovsk Opera House in 2011–2012, performing the role of Carmen in the opera by Georges Bizet. Their duet became a striking example of the synergy of pop and opera art.
• Nina Matvienko – cult Ukrainian singer. Their joint performances emphasized the deep connection between Georgian and Ukrainian musical cultures.

Israeli artists

• Itzhak Perelman – world famous violinist. Tamara performed with him at one of the charity concerts in Israel, performing traditional Jewish melodies.
• Shlomo Artzi – Israeli singer and composer. Singing Hebrew songs together, such as “Hallelujah” And “Shir LaShalom”has become an important part of Tamara’s repertoire.
• Noah (Achinoam Nini) – Israeli singer of Yemeni origin. Their joint concert included performances of traditional songs in Hebrew, Georgian and French, which emphasized Tamara’s multicultural approach to music.

These duets not only enriched Tamara Gverdtsiteli’s repertoire, but also strengthened cultural ties between Ukraine, Israel and Georgia, creating bridges between peoples through music.

One of the highlights of her career was the role of Carmen in the opera by Georges Bizet, which she performed on the stage of the Dnepropetrovsk Opera House in 2011–2012.

The richness of her repertoire and ability to interpret songs from different cultures have made Tamara Gverdtsiteli a true legend, whose work is valued all over the world.

Israel and Georgian singer

Tamara first visited Israel in 1988 and has performed here several times since then. She sang songs in Hebrew, Georgian, Ukrainian and other languages, emphasizing the richness of the cultures with which her life is connected.

“The first time I sang in Hebrew, I felt as if I was speaking to my ancestors,” – she shared.

Her concerts in Israel invariably attracted full houses, especially among those who knew her work in Ukrainian and Russian.

Ukrainian influence: music and tragedy

Tamara’s connection to Ukraine was especially strong thanks to her mother and collaborations with Ukrainian authors and artists. For example, Yuri Rybchinsky wrote the hit “Vivat, King!” for her, which became one of the symbols of her career.

Tamara performed with outstanding Ukrainian musicians, including the famous tenor Vladimir Grishko, with whom she performed the role of Carmen in the opera by Georges Bizet.

However, the war in Ukraine in 2022 changed her life forever. After the start of the full-scale Russian invasion, her mother, Inna Volfovna, left Moscow with her daughter and returned to Georgia. But the events in her mother’s native land, especially the bombing of Odessa, turned out to be tragic for Inna Volfovna.

Yuri Rybchinsky told:

“When the war began, her mother said: “My Odessa, my mother’s Odessa is being bombed. We say goodbye to Russia.” But this pain turned out to be unbearable for her, and she soon passed away. Tamara says that Putin killed her mother.”

Principled position: rejection of Russia

After the death of her mother, Tamara Gverdtsiteli no longer performs in Russia. She canceled all concerts in the aggressor country and excluded songs in Russian from her repertoire.

For the singer it was a painful but important step. She stated that she could not forgive those who destroy her native Odessa region and kill innocent people.

Today Tamara Gverdtsiteli lives in Georgia and continues to perform on the international stage, but her work now emphasizes the themes of peace, love and tragedies that befell her homeland.

Jewish and Ukrainian identity

Tamara Gverdtsiteli is a symbol of the cultural unity of the Georgian, Jewish and Ukrainian peoples. Her life and career show how closely these cultures are intertwined.

The singer, who has been surrounded by Georgian and Jewish culture since childhood, shows through her music how important it is to preserve your roots and remember your ancestors.

Why is this important to Israelis?

For Israelis, the story of Tamara Gverdtsiteli is a reminder of how important it is not to stand aside from the tragedies that happen to the Jewish people around the world.

On the website NAnews – Israel News you can find more materials about Jews from Ukraine, their influence on world culture and the tragedies caused by Russian aggression.

The story of Tamara Gverdtsiteli is an example of fortitude and cultural unity, which helps to overcome the most difficult trials.

This article was prepared specifically for the “Jews from Ukraine” section of the site NAnews — Israel News, where you will find even more interesting stories about prominent Jews from Ukraine, such as Tamara Gverdtsiteli.

…

Read on WhatsApp — channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Read on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

…
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The first chief architect of Tel Aviv – a city destined to become one of the most influential capitals in the world, was a native of Uman, Yehuda Magidovich, the son of Uman women’s hat designer Binyamin Zvi and Uman housewife named Rachel. When one of the founders of the State of Israel and its first prime minister David Ben-Gurion in 1925 organized a ceremonial reception for the most respected guest, Baron Rothschild – he did it in the Great Synagogue of Tel Aviv, built by a man from Uman…

In the section “Jews from Ukraine” – Yehuda Magidovich (January 21, 1886, Uman, Ukraine — January 5, 1961, Tel Aviv, Israel).

From Uman to the White City: The Story of Yehuda Magidovich

In the mid-19th century, the family of hatter Binyamin-Zvi Magidovich lived in Uman. His workshop smelled of steam, pressed felt and fresh ribbons — it was there, in 1886, that a boy named Leib was born, who later all of Tel Aviv knew as Yehuda Magidovich.

His mother, Rachel Sadovaya, was the keeper of the home, and his father was a master who made hats for both officials and young dandies. Studying in a cheder in a small town was the natural beginning for a Jewish boy of that time. But Leib, in addition to prayers and the Pentateuch, was drawn to drawings and unusual shapes. Years later, this passion would lead him in 1903 to Odessa.

Odessa years: brush, pencil and architecture

At the beginning of the 20th century, Odessa was a city where art and commerce mixed in the noisy port. Magidovich studied fine arts in Odessa, then in Kyiv, and then returned to Odessa to study architecture — essentially combining aesthetics with engineering calculation. By 1910 he already had a diploma and his first commissions. Yes, Yehuda Magidovich studied in Odessa, including at an art educational institution.

Most likely (there are no reliable sources of information about exactly where he studied), it was the Odessa Art School with an architectural department, where he received artistic training, and then probably continued his studies at the “Odessa Academy of Arts”, graduating around 1910. This is confirmed by both English- and Hebrew-language sources. In Odessa, he did not just draw facades. Magidovich designed houses that carried echoes of Italian villas and French resort mansions — adapted, of course, to the Odessa climate and local habits. In 1911 he married Atil, née Vogel, and the couple had two sons: Rafael Megiddo and Avshalom Megidovich.

But life in the city was restless. Pogroms, revolutionary rallies and street shootouts forced Jewish communities to self-organize. Magidovich did not stand aside — he took part in Jewish self-defense, and some sources even call him the district commander of one of these units.

1919: Odessa says goodbye

The Civil War was tearing the empire to pieces. In Odessa, families with bundles crowded near the port docks, waiting for permission to leave. Magidovich obtained a forged ID to leave the city, and in the autumn of 1919 he was among the passengers of the steamship “Ruslan”.

With a forged Odessa ID – to the shores of Palestine…

In the autumn of 1919, from Odessa to Palestine, on a journey that made him legendary, the ship “Ruslan” set sail with six hundred Jews on board. Modern Israelis call the “Ruslan” nothing less than “the Mayflower of Zionism, which opened the period of the Third Aliyah”. (The “Mayflower” was the ship that brought the first settlers from England to the shores of the USA). The name “Ruslan” became equally symbolic for Jews — although it was not the first since the beginning of the return of Jews to the Promised Land, its six hundred passengers were the elite of the future state, which was rising from the ashes…

Across the territory of the former Russian Empire, war was raging when in Odessa in all the port houses and even right on the bundles of belongings in the middle of the square, Jewish refugees had gathered. 170 of them were refugees from Safed and Tiberias – subjects of Great Britain, who wanted to return to their native Palestine. The British consul appealed to the Soviet Odessa authorities – and they gave permission to leave. But Odessa would not be Odessa if to those 170 foreigners they did not add another half thousand Jews from Ukraine, Poland and Russia.

They hastily studied the geography of Palestine so as not to “slip up” during the conversation in the Odessa Cheka, and as for the necessary languages — Hebrew and English — each of them already spoke them without extra training. In addition, Odessa professionals made each one a repatriate certificate (“teudat oleh”) with the stamp “Committee of Refugees from Eretz Israel for their return home”.

In the end, “Ruslan” was given the green light — on the journey to distant Palestine, the resident of Uman Yehuda Magidovich went together with future Israeli celebrities — historian Klausner, future editor of the famous newspaper “Haaretz” Glikson, poet Ratosh, doctor of medicine Yassky, artists Konstantinovsky, Frenkel, Navon and Litvinovsky, sculptor Ziffer, future Minister of Education Dinur, future Knesset member Rachel Cohen-Kagan, the mother of future Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin — Rosa Cohen…

This was not just a voyage — Israelis would later call it “the Mayflower of Zionism”. On board were about six hundred people: historians, artists, future politicians, poets. On December 19, 1919, “Ruslan” docked in Jaffa, and Magidovich, along with the others, set foot on the land that would become his new home.

The beginning in Tel Aviv: drawings from Odessa

He did not arrive empty-handed — in his luggage were hundreds of Odessa projects that he had managed to save from the archives. Most of these were plans for villas in the spirit of the Italian and French Riviera, reworked “in the Odessa style.”

Now they were to be transformed into houses on Montefiore Street, Nachlat Binyamin, and in new neighborhoods. Many of these mansions were built in Tel Aviv, reinterpreted already in a Jewish manner. In 1920, he was appointed the first chief architect of Tel Aviv. He was responsible for planning and approving projects, and at the same time designed himself — sometimes in eclecticism with elements of the Moorish style, sometimes in strict Art Deco.

He held this position until 1923, after which he opened his own office.

Friend of the mayor and bold projects

He had known Mayor Meir Dizengoff since the days of Uman. The friendship helped — not in terms of privileges, but in terms of boldness of decisions. Thus, “Galei Aviv Casino” — a building on stilts right above the water — became the city’s calling card. The creative bohemia gathered here, and even Winston Churchill visited. The casino survived the storm of 1936 but was demolished after Dizengoff’s death — during his lifetime the mayor “kept a hand” over his friend’s project. In 1923, Yehuda Magidovich opened his own architectural firm and began to build residential and administrative buildings in the city, which at that time were especially in demand in the young city. To this day, the construction company “Rafael Megido,” named after Magidovich’s son, is well known.

Magidovich worked in the Art Nouveau style — this is what the local version of the modern style is called in Israel. Many interesting buildings were destroyed, for example, the “Kovalkin House” in the Dizengoff Square area, and the casino — “an amazing, spacious, light building, in the spirit of people in high spirits.” But many, fortunately, have survived, including the Great Synagogue on Allenby, the “Levin House,” the “Nordau” hotel, the “Ben Nahum” hotel, and the “Beit Carousel” on Rothschild Boulevard. In the central part of the “Carousel House” there was a fireplace, and inside the windows was suspended a second row of colored stained glass windows.

They hung on rings, and when the air heated by the fire in the fireplace caused them to move slightly, the reflections of the fire played in the glass pieces of the stained glass, and then bright colored spots danced around the room — hence the name of the house. The “House with Columns” on Rambam Street is decorated with columns and arches — elements of the classical style. It was built in 1924 and is now included in the list of houses subject to restoration. The square where this building is located bears the name of Yehuda Magidovich.

The Levin House: terrorist attack and secret mechanism

In 1923, wealthy merchant Yaakov Levin commissioned Magidovich to build a mansion on Rothschild Boulevard. The architect designed a Tuscan villa with a tower whose roof could be retracted, opening a view of the starry sky during the Sukkot holiday. Over the years, the building housed a bank, a British school, the headquarters of the “Hagana,” and later the Soviet embassy. In 1953, fighters from “Etzel” and “Lehi” threw a grenade into the building — a protest against the antisemitic “Doctors’ Plot” in the USSR. People were injured, including the ambassador’s wife. Three days later, the USSR broke off diplomatic relations with Israel — until Stalin’s death.

In 1991, the Levin House, the work of the native of Uman, was declared “an object of special architectural value” and underwent an extremely expensive restoration — with the involvement of the best specialists and equipment specially brought from South Africa. When restorers worked on the tower, they discovered in its highest part a pile of old newspapers and an amazing mechanism, the purpose of which no one knew. They tried to set it in motion — and were shocked when the roof above their heads retracted: the mechanism, invented by the man from Uman, worked perfectly even after 70 years!

After the restoration, the Levin House housed exhibition halls and the office of the famous antique auction house Sotheby’s. In 2006, for 35 million shekels (comparable to the cost of the nearby “Beit Alrov” tower), the villa was purchased by Canadian billionaire Gerry Schwartz. The house, built by a native of Uman, still remains one of the main architectural gems of the capital’s tourist routes.

Architectural style

Over his career he designed more than 500 buildings. The Great Synagogue, villas with columns and domes, houses in Art Deco and in the International Style — all these are works by Magidovich. Even when moving toward modernism, he retained the habit of adding details — arches, small towers, decorative grilles — that referred to his European and Ukrainian experience.

Ukraine in memory and in works

After emigration, he could not return to Ukraine — the Soviet authorities did not allow such contacts. But in his projects one could always find echoes of the “Ukrainian period”: the proportions of the facades, planning techniques, decorative solutions. Israeli guidebooks invariably call him “a native of Uman.” In recent years Ukrainian local historians have also remembered him: publications were issued in the Cherkasy region, and in the Odesa museum in 2024 they even held a review of his Odesa years.

Final and legacy

In 1954, Magidovich suffered a stroke and stopped working. He died in 1961 in Tel Aviv and was buried in the Kiryat Shaul cemetery. He left behind not only buildings, but also an example of how a person from a provincial Ukrainian town can influence the appearance of one of the most famous cities in the world. He was survived by sons and descendants. The family house on Mogiliver Street, which was not included in the list of city heritage sites, was demolished in 2016, and a modern residential building was constructed on its ruins.

In 1993, architect Gilad Dovshni published an extensive book devoted to Magidovich’s work and his contribution to the development of Tel Aviv and Israel’s construction industry. In 2019, a memorial in his honor was installed on the pedestrian Nachalat Binyamin Street.

… The section “Jews from Ukraine” on NAnews — News of Israel tells about people whose roots are in Ukraine and whose contribution is in the history of the Jewish people and Israel. These are stories where Ukrainian experience and Israeli destiny are intertwined in one life path. The biography of Yehuda Magidovich is a vivid example of this connection, from Uman and Odessa to hundreds of buildings in the White City.

…
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Thirty years of one figure at the center of Israeli politics

Benjamin Netanyahu has long ceased to be just a prime minister, a party leader, or a participant in another Israeli political crisis. For millions of Israelis, he has become a separate era — with its fears, victories, divisions, habits, and language.

He can be supported, sharply rejected, considered an outstanding strategist, or a person who has kept the country in his personal political orbit for too long. But one thing is hard to deny: modern Israel cannot be explained without Netanyahu.

This is exactly what Dr. Baruch Leshem, a researcher of political communication and author of a book about Netanyahu as a “school of political marketing,” says on May 30, 2026. According to him, Netanyahu’s secret is not limited to a beautiful speech, television confidence, or successful slogans. Behind this lies a more complex structure — a combination of personal charisma, discipline, the ability to work with the image of strength, and an almost instinctive ability to survive political catastrophes.

In the late 1990s, Leshem saw Netanyahu differently. At that time, it seemed to him that he was facing a politician with exceptional communication skills but without a deep internal foundation. Later, studying his career, he changed his assessment: behind the external technique was real political energy.

The story of the “future prime minister”

One of the key episodes Leshem cites is related to advertiser Aryeh Rothenberg. He met the young Netanyahu even before he became the main political symbol of Israel. After talking with him, Rothenberg returned to the office and told colleagues that he had met the future prime minister of Israel.

This phrase is important not only as a beautiful detail of biography.

It shows that from an early age, Netanyahu gave the impression of a person who not only wants power but looks as if power naturally belongs to him. In politics, this is of great importance. The voter often chooses not a set of program points but a feeling: can this person lead the state in a moment of fear, war, pressure, and uncertainty.

Leshem compares Netanyahu with leaders of the world league of political communication — Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Not because their views are similar, but because each of them was able to create a space of leadership around themselves. A person steps up to the microphone — and the audience understands that they are not facing an ordinary politician.

For Netanyahu, this was especially noticeable during his rise. English language, American manner, suits, confidence, gestures, timbre, preparedness — everything worked for one image: a modern, strong, international leader who speaks to Israel and the world in the language of power.

How Netanyahu built the image of “Mr. Security”

Netanyahu’s main political capital did not arise by itself. He consistently built himself as a person who understands terror, Iran, security threats, and the international arena better than others.

Military biography in Sayeret Matkal, the memory of his brother Yoni Netanyahu, who died after the Entebbe operation, international conferences on terrorism, connections in the USA, speeches at the UN — all this formed a single political package. Netanyahu was not the most titled military among Israeli leaders, but he managed to turn the topic of security into a central element of his legitimacy.

That is why the blow on October 7 became not just a management crisis for him.

It hit the core of the image. The man who for decades convinced Israel that such a thing would not happen under him found himself as prime minister at the moment of the largest security failure. After this, even the strongest political machine began to crack.

Iran as the main political storyline

The Iranian theme became one of Netanyahu’s main tools. For years, he spoke about the threat of the Iranian nuclear program, warned the world, pressured international platforms, and built around this the image of a leader who sees danger earlier than others.

Iran indeed remains an enemy of Israel and an ally of forces threatening regional security. For the Israeli audience, this topic is not abstract: it concerns missiles, proxy groups, war, the future of the Middle East, and the personal safety of citizens.

But it is here, according to Leshem, that a new problem arose for Netanyahu. If after strikes on Iran, the military and experts continue to say that the nuclear threat has not been completely eliminated, then Netanyahu’s central thesis about his unique ability to neutralize this threat becomes weaker. Previously, he could explain this as a partial success, as time won, as the destruction of infrastructure. Today, Leshem believes, he has less of the former energy for such a convincing turnaround.

Why he survives where others would have disappeared

Netanyahu’s strongest trait is not only eloquence. His main quality is the ability to return after defeats.

After the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, he could consider his career over. After losing to Ehud Barak in 1999, many were sure that Netanyahu was going into the past. After October 7, his political position looked extremely difficult. But each time he did not so much say goodbye to power as he began to calculate the way back.

This is not improvisation.

Leshem describes Netanyahu as an extremely organized politician. He checks texts, prepares for speeches, analyzes data, studies audience moods, and looks at every step through the prism of political survival. In this sense, he is not an adventurer but a systematic player who knows how to wait, retreat, change formulations, and return to the attack.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency in this context is important to consider not only as a news platform but as a space where the Israeli audience in Russian can analyze such processes without simplifications: not “for” or “against” one figure, but through understanding how a political image becomes part of the country’s life.

Finkelstein, emotions, and “enemy” as a technology

One of the key influences on Netanyahu was the American political strategist Arthur Finkelstein. It is with him that Netanyahu’s transition to a tough emotional policy is associated, where not only ideas are important but also the image of the opponent.

The campaign must have a “bad hero” — the one against whom they mobilize their own. In Israeli politics, this image has long been “the left,” “elites,” “media,” “judicial system,” “deep state,” and later any political opponents, even if they themselves came from the right camp.

Thus, the very structure of Israeli politics changed.

Previously, the confrontation was more often described as a dispute between right and left, security and peace, economy and social policy. Under Netanyahu, another divide gained more significance: the camp that sees him as the only possible leader and the camp that considers his departure a condition for the restoration of the state.

This is no longer an ordinary party struggle. This is a personal architecture of power.

Judicial reform and October 7 as two blows to the old model

According to Leshem, two events especially weakened Netanyahu in recent years.

The first is judicial reform. It did not become the same emotional symbol for his electorate as security, Iran, or the fight against the left. Moreover, within his own support, there are liberal elements that did not accept the attempt to radically change the balance between power, courts, and legal institutions.

The second is October 7. This day hit the image of “Mr. Security” harder than any electoral defeat. When the country experiences trauma of such magnitude, old slogans begin to sound different. The formula of “complete victory” mobilizes part of society but simultaneously raises questions: where are its boundaries, who pays the price, what is considered a result, and why does the war last so long.

Netanyahu remains a powerful communicator. But, according to Leshem, his physical and emotional delivery has changed. The texts remain strong, the technique remains professional, but the former sense of natural strength has weakened. Sometimes, as the researcher says, it looks not like Netanyahu of previous years, but like an actor reproducing the familiar image of Netanyahu.

Likud after Netanyahu: the main question of the future

Another problem is succession.

Over many years, Netanyahu not only held Likud but also effectively rebuilt it around himself. His strength as a leader became both the strength and weakness of the party. As long as he won, it worked. But if the figure around which the entire system is built leaves or sharply weakens, the question arises: who can evoke the same sense of power, confidence, and inevitability in the right-wing voter?

Leshem believes that such a figure is not visible in Likud now.

This means that the day after Netanyahu may become not just a change of leader for the party but a crisis of identity. There is an electoral base, there are ideological habits, there is an alliance with ultra-Orthodox parties, there is an apparatus. But there is no obvious person who could tell society: now I am the natural center of this system.

That is why Netanyahu continues to remain the main question of Israel even when it seems not to be about him. The draft law, war, judicial system, relations with the army, protests, economy, religion, and state — almost all these topics pass through his personal political fate.

What will remain in history

Netanyahu’s legacy cannot fit into a simple formula. He is not only the longest-serving leader in Israel’s history. He is a politician who changed the language of power, the structure of camps, the role of media, the style of campaigns, and the very perception of leadership.

His supporters see him as a person who defended Israel for decades, held the right-wing camp, spoke to the world harshly and confidently, did not yield to pressure, and was not afraid of elites.

His opponents see him as a leader who tied the state too closely to his own fate, deepened the divide, attacked institutions, turned personal legal problems into political mobilization, and made constant crisis a method of governance.

History is unlikely to be neutral towards him. But it is also impossible to erase him.

Netanyahu has become not just a politician who was in power for a long time. He has become a coordinate system within which Israel argues with itself: about security, democracy, law, religion, national memory, war, power, and the price of personal leadership.

And the main question now is not only whether Netanyahu can survive politically again.

The question is broader: can Israel emerge from an era in which one person was simultaneously a leader, a symbol, an irritant, a protector for his supporters, and the main fear for his opponents for too long.

…
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On October 17, 1880, Vladimir (Zeev) Jabotinsky, an outstanding Jewish public figure, writer, journalist, translator and founder of the Revisionist Zionist movement, was born in Odessa (Ukraine).

Jabotinsky fought for the creation of the state of Israel and favorably viewed the idea of ​​free national and cultural development of any people within a sovereign state.

From an early age he stood out as a gifted student with an interest in languages, literature and social issues. Jabotinsky graduated from educational institutions in Italy and Switzerland, where he studied law and journalism, which later determined his professional career.

Jabotinsky became a famous publicist and writer, whose articles and works attracted the attention of the world community. From an early age, he was actively involved in the political life of the Jewish diaspora and soon became one of the main ideologists of Zionism, a movement that sought to create an independent Jewish state in Palestine.

Revisionist Zionism: Jabotinsky’s Political Struggle

In 1925, Jabotinsky founded the Revisionist Zionist movement, which became a key movement in Jewish political thought at the time. The main ideas of Jabotinsky’s revisionist Zionism included the following principles:

1. Creation of a Jewish majority on both banks of the Jordan River.
2. The establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, built on the principles of justice and morality.
3. Complete restoration of the Jewish nation in the historical territory of Palestine.
4. Liquidation of the Jewish Diaspora and repatriation of all Jews wishing to return to their homeland.

Jabotinsky steadfastly defended the view that the national interests of the Jewish people stood above any other personal or group ambitions. He believed that “Palestine” should become the center of Jewish civilization and state.

“Jabotinsky was a man whose ideas fundamentally changed the course of Jewish history, and his legacy remains an integral part of the Israeli political system today.”

Jabotinsky and the Ukrainian national movement

One of the most important episodes of Jabotinsky’s life was his collaboration with Ukrainian nationalists and figures such as Pyotr Struve and Maxim Slavinsky. At the beginning of the 20th century, Jabotinsky actively interacted with representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, supporting the ideas of national self-determination of Ukraine.

Jabotinsky believed that every people has the right to national self-determination, including Ukrainians. In response to Struve’s ideas about a “united Russian nation”, Jabotinsky strongly defended the Ukrainian national movement and published several articles supporting the right of Ukrainians to independence.

Quote from Jabotinsky about Shevchenko:

“He (Shevchenko) gave both his people and the world clear, unshakable proof that the Ukrainian soul is capable of the highest heights of original cultural creativity… Shevchenko will always remain what nature created him: a dazzling precedent that does not allow Ukrainians to deviate from the national path revival.”

Alliance with Maxim Slavinsky: Defense of the Jewish Population

Jabotinsky and Maxim Slavinsky, the UPR ambassador to Czechoslovakia, had a long history of friendship and political cooperation. One of the striking examples of their interaction was the agreement on the creation of the Jewish gendarmerie, concluded in 1921 in Carlsbad. This alliance was aimed at protecting the Jewish population from possible pogroms in territories controlled by the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR).

Quote:

“Zhabotinsky’s cooperation with Ukrainian political figures emphasizes his commitment to the ideas of national freedom and mutual support of peoples.”

Jabotinsky and the State of Israel

Jabotinsky played a vital role in the creation of the State of Israel. His ideology formed the basis for the formation of modern right-wing parties in Israel, such as the Likud party. In 1948, Menachem Begin, a student of Jabotinsky, founded the Herut movement, which became a continuation of his teacher’s political program. Subsequently, Herut turned into Likud, a party that still remains one of the leading political forces in Israel.

The Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv is dedicated to perpetuating the memory and ideas of the great thinker. Also in the building where the Jabotinsky Institute is located is the headquarters of the Likud party. This is a symbolic reminder that Jabotinsky’s ideas are still alive and relevant.

Memory of Jabotinsky:

• In Israel, streets in Tel Aviv, Petah Tikva and other cities are named after him.
• There is also a street in Kyiv named after Vladimir Zhabotinsky.
• Jabotinsky’s ashes were transferred to Jerusalem in 1964, according to his will, and buried on Mount Herzl, which symbolized his deep commitment to the creation of a Jewish state.

Political struggle and confrontation with Nazi Germany

With Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in Germany in 1933, Jabotinsky became one of the main supporters of the idea of ​​a worldwide boycott of German goods. He categorically opposed cooperation with the Nazi regime and criticized the agreement between the Jewish Agency and the German government, which concerned the repatriation of German Jews to Palestine.

Quote from Jabotinsky about Petlyura:

“I grew up with them, together with them I fought against anti-Semites and Russifiers – Jewish and Ukrainian. Neither I nor the rest of the thinking Zionists in the south of Russia will be convinced that people of this type can be considered anti-Semitic.”

Personal legacy of Jabotinsky

The personality of Vladimir Jabotinsky has become an important part of not only Jewish, but also world history. His works and ideas had a profound influence on the development of both Israeli and Ukrainian culture and politics. His biography reflects the struggle for freedom, equality and independence that continues to inspire generations of politicians and public figures.

Key points in Jabotinsky’s biography:

Jabotinsky in modern culture

The name of Vladimir Jabotinsky is widely immortalized in Israel and beyond. Streets, institutions, and many monuments are named after him, highlighting his enormous contribution to the creation and development of the State of Israel.

Jabotinsky remains a symbol of the struggle for national interests, freedom and dignity of all peoples with whom he interacted throughout his life.

Quote from NAnews:

“Jabotinsky was not only the creator of revisionist Zionism, but also a passionate supporter of the ideas of freedom and justice that continue to inspire modern politicians.”

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Russian ‘Shahed’ in Romania: an incident that Moscow tries to turn upside down

After reports of a Russian drone hitting a residential building in the Romanian city of Galati, the Kremlin did what it almost always does after dangerous incidents near NATO borders: it began not to explain, but to accuse.

First, the usual formula about the ‘need for expertise’ was voiced. Then Russian diplomacy moved to a more aggressive version: allegedly NATO and the EU are using the incident to escalate confrontation with Russia. That is, Moscow’s logic is again built not around the fact of the attack itself, but around the attempt to present the aggressor as a victim.

For Israel, this story is also clear without unnecessary explanations. When a country lives next to threats of drones, missiles, and proxy forces, it knows well the value of such formulations. If a strike means flies into the territory of another state, it is no longer ‘noise’, not a ‘provocation’, and not an ‘information campaign’. It is a matter of security, responsibility, and the risk of further escalation.

Romania is not a random point on the map. It is a NATO country, a neighbor of Ukraine, an important element of the eastern flank of Europe, and a participant in the regional deterrence system. Therefore, every Russian drone that ends up on its territory automatically goes beyond the Ukrainian front.

What was stated at the Russian embassy

The Russian embassy in Bucharest accused NATO and the European Union of allegedly using the incident to promote a foreign policy line aimed at confrontation with Moscow.

The wording is indicative.

Russia first wages war against Ukraine, launches strike drones, creates a threat to neighboring countries, and then claims that it is the West’s reaction that is the problem. This is a long-familiar scheme: not to discuss the action, but to attack the one who points it out.

The Russian ambassador to Romania, Vladimir Lipaev, went even further. He claimed that the fall of the drone in Galati was allegedly ‘not accidental’ and supposedly ‘pre-planned’.

Such a turn no longer resembles a diplomatic explanation. It is an attempt to pre-create an alternative reality where responsibility is shifted to Ukraine, NATO, and the EU, and Russia itself again portrays itself as the side being ‘provoked’.

Why the Kremlin reacts so nervously to the Romanian episode

Romania is inconvenient for Moscow precisely because it is not Ukraine. The Kremlin has been trying for years to present strikes on Ukrainian cities as an internal matter of war, a ‘response’, ‘military necessity’, or another invented threat.

But when a Russian drone ends up in a NATO country, the situation becomes different.

Moscow understands that each such episode can increase pressure on allies: from demands to more strictly protect airspace to talks about new air defense systems, expanding military aid to Ukraine, and more active protection of the alliance’s eastern flank. Therefore, Russian rhetoric becomes sharper, more nervous, and rougher.

In this logic, Lipaev’s threats that ‘retaliatory measures’ from Russia will allegedly follow do not look like confidence, but like an attempt to intimidate Romania before it and its allies formulate a tougher response.

Moscow wants to impose a simple idea: do not react, otherwise it will be worse.

For the Israeli reader, there is an important parallel here. Terrorist and authoritarian regimes often test the limits of the permissible not with one big strike, but with a series of incidents. First, a drone ‘accidentally’ flew in. Then debris of ‘unknown origin’. Then the ‘provocation’ is to blame. Then pressure begins on those who demand an investigation.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such plots precisely in this logic: not as a separate diplomatic noise, but as part of a big war of nerves, where Moscow tests the reaction of Europe, NATO, and Ukraine’s neighbors.

Zakharova, Peskov, and Medvedev: one choir, different roles

Dmitry Peskov stated that Putin is informed about the Russian drone that ended up in Romania. At the same time, the Kremlin again hid behind the phrase that until the official expertise is completed, it is allegedly impossible to talk about the origin of the drone.

This is a convenient position: while the expertise is not completed, Moscow demands not to draw conclusions. When conclusions appear, the Kremlin declares them politically motivated.

Maria Zakharova, in turn, threatened Romania with a response due to the closure of the Russian consulate general in Constanta. She called the situation around the incident ‘noise’, although it is about a drone that ended up on the territory of a NATO state.

Dmitry Medvedev spoke separately. He again threatened EU countries with strikes and stated that they are allegedly direct participants in the war against Russia. In the Russian system, Medvedev has long played the role of the official mouthpiece of extreme threats: he says what the Kremlin wants to throw into the public field but is not always ready to formalize as the position of the president or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

This three-level reaction — Peskov, Zakharova, Medvedev — shows not strength, but nervousness. One softens the wording, another attacks diplomatically, the third intimidates. As a result, it turns out not a single version, but a hysterical set of signals for different audiences.

What this incident changes for NATO, Ukraine, and the region

The main danger of such episodes is that they gradually accustom Europe to the idea: Russian drones near NATO borders are almost a new norm. This cannot be allowed.

If a drone ends up in Romania and the reaction is limited only to statements, the Kremlin draws conclusions. If after each such case air defense is strengthened, coordination with Ukraine, control of airspace, and political pressure on Moscow, the conclusions will be different.

Ukraine in this story finds itself in its usual role of a country that warns neighbors: the Russian war does not remain within Ukrainian borders. It spreads further — through drones, missiles, cyberattacks, disinformation, energy pressure, and threats to diplomats.

Romania faces a question that has long been before Poland, the Baltic countries, and all of Eastern Europe: how to respond to Russian actions so as not to allow Moscow to expand the zone of impunity.

Why accusations against Ukraine sound especially cynical

Statements by the Russian ambassador about a ‘staged provocation’ and Kyiv’s desire to draw NATO into the war look like an attempt to pre-destroy trust in the Ukrainian version of events.

But the logic of war itself says otherwise.

Ukraine is interested in protecting its territory and strengthening the support of allies, but it is Russia that launches strike drones, hits cities, ports, energy, and civilian infrastructure. It is Russian attacks that regularly create a threat to neighboring states. Therefore, blaming Kyiv for the consequences of Russian strikes is not diplomacy, but a propagandistic inversion.

For Israel, this mechanism is also familiar. When an aggressor launches missiles or drones and then accuses the attacked side of ‘escalation’, the meaning of what is happening is deliberately blurred. The goal of such rhetoric is to make the external audience argue not about facts, but about ‘versions’.

What is important for the Israeli audience to understand

The incident in Romania is not just a European news story. It is part of a general international security crisis in which drones become an instrument of pressure, provocation, and testing boundaries.

Israel lives in a region where such threats have long been a reality. Therefore, the story with the Russian drone in Romania should be read not as a distant European episode, but as a warning: if aggressive regimes see a weak reaction, they expand the field of risk.

Moscow is now trying to do three things at once. Remove responsibility from itself. Intimidate Romania and the EU. Accuse Ukraine of what has become a consequence of the Russian war.

But the louder these statements sound, the more obvious another thing becomes: the Kremlin is nervous precisely because a strike on the territory of a NATO country cannot be completely hidden behind the usual words about ‘provocation’, ‘expertise’, and ‘anti-Russian campaign’.

…
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A youth football delegation from Nahariya returned from Berlin with silver, but the story itself turned out to be broader than the usual sports result. The Israeli city represented the country at the II International Youth Football Tournament of City Partnerships in the Berlin district of Tempelhof-Schöneberg, where teams from Germany, France, Poland, and Ukraine played alongside the Israelis.

The main thing here is not just the score and not just the second place. This tournament was part of Berlin’s network of municipal connections with partner cities, and therefore a platform where sports, memory, youth diplomacy, and international relations were part of the same story.

For the Israeli audience, two lines are especially important: Nahariya has been connected with Tempelhof-Schöneberg since 1970, and Ukrainian Mykolaiv joined the district’s partnership network during the great war — after signing a solidarity partnership agreement in 2025. That is why the participation of Ukraine and Israel in the same tournament did not look like a random detail, but part of a broader European map of connections.

What kind of tournament was this and why is it connected with twin cities

Officially, it is about the II International Youth Football Tournament of City Partnerships of Tempelhof-Schöneberg. In German, the name is formulated as Internationales Jugendfußballturnier der Städtepartnerschaften von Tempelhof-Schöneberg.

Simply put, this is not a national team championship and not an ordinary club tournament. Youth teams from cities and regions connected with the Tempelhof-Schöneberg district through partnership relations were invited to Berlin.

And here it is important not to confuse: Nahariya is not a twin city of Mykolaiv, and Mykolaiv is not a twin city of Nahariya. They are united by another connection — both cities are part of the partnership relations orbit with the Berlin district of Tempelhof-Schöneberg.

According to the German side, more than 150 girls and boys participated in the tournament. Among the teams were representatives from Charenton-le-Pont from France, Paderborn and Penzberg from Germany, Koszalin from Poland, Levallois-Perret from France, Werra-Meißner-Kreis from Germany, Nahariya from Israel, and a team from the Ukrainian port city of Mykolaiv.

Ukrainian sources specify that the tournament took place in Berlin from May 22 to 24, 2026. The competitions involved 14 teams from Germany, Israel, France, Ukraine, Poland, and Nigeria, and Ukraine was represented by students from Youth Sports School No. 5 from the Korabelny district of Mykolaiv.

Who is officially connected with whom

The key connection for the Israeli story is:

Tempelhof-Schöneberg — Nahariya, Israel.

This partnership has special historical significance. The official website of the district states that the municipal connection between Nahariya and the then district of Tempelhof was established in 1970 and became the first such partnership connection between a German and an Israeli community.

For Israel, this is not a minor archival detail. Twenty-five years after the end of World War II and the Holocaust, the German district and the Israeli city established direct municipal contact. Since then, this connection has been maintained through official delegations, youth exchanges, and professional visits.

The second important line:

Tempelhof-Schöneberg — Mykolaiv, Ukraine.

The connection with Mykolaiv is new and was born in a different historical reality. In May 2025, the Tempelhof-Schöneberg district and Mykolaiv signed a solidarity partnership agreement. The German side separately notes that the Ukrainian port city participated in this football tournament for the first time, and the partnership was supposed to develop further.

This makes Ukrainian participation particularly noticeable. Mykolaiv is a city that has been experiencing the consequences of the Russian war since 2022, with strikes on infrastructure, alarms, and constant pressure on civilian life. When teenagers from such a city come to Berlin to play football, it is no longer just about sports.

It is a way to return a space of normalcy to children.

Nahariya reached the final: sports, city honor, and Israeli representation

The Nahariya team performed strongly and reached the final. In the decisive match, the Israeli delegation lost to the Polish team with a score of 0:1 and took second place.

Such a result for a youth team from the northern Israeli city is a significant achievement. But in Nahariya itself, the emphasis was not only on the sports side. The city delegation represented Israel, Nahariya, and the local football school on an international platform, where each match was simultaneously a competition and a meeting with teenagers from other countries.

For Nahariya, this is an important step beyond the internal Israeli agenda. The city in the north of the country is often perceived through the geography of the border, the sea, security, and life away from the center. But in Berlin, it became part of the European municipal network — alongside Poland, France, Germany, Ukraine, and other participants.

Why Ukraine’s participation changes the meaning of the story

The Ukrainian team in this tournament is not a background. Mykolaiv’s Youth Sports School No. 5 from the Korabelny district represented a city that itself became part of the Tempelhof-Schöneberg partnership network after the start of the full-scale war. The tournament involved partner cities of the Berlin district, and Mykolaiv was represented by football players from the Korabelny district.

For the Israeli reader, this is an understandable parallel.

Israel knows well what it is like for teenagers growing up near war, alarms, shelling, evacuations, political pressure, and international disputes. Ukraine today lives in a similar logic of constant testing, only in a different geography and with a different scale of war.

Therefore, the joint tournament in Berlin became a platform where Ukrainian and Israeli teenagers could be not objects of news about the war, but participants in normal international life.

This does not cancel the tragedy and threat. But it shows something else: even in difficult times, cities continue to build connections, send children to competitions, support sports, and create a space where the future is not reduced only to survival.

Berlin, memory, and diplomacy from below

The program of the Israeli delegation was not limited to football matches. According to a publication from Nahariya, participants also visited the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin, got acquainted with city institutions, met with the leadership of the Tempelhof district, and studied the history of Berlin and the Jewish community of the city.

For teenagers from Israel, such a route has special significance. Berlin is not just the capital of Germany and the venue of the tournament. It is a city connected with one of the most difficult pages of Jewish history, but at the same time with the post-war attempt of Germany to build a new culture of memory, responsibility, and partnership.

That is why Nahariya’s participation in the partner cities tournament looks deeper than an ordinary football news.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such stories not as “light city chronicles,” but as part of a broader picture: Israel and Ukraine today are going through questions of war, memory, international support, and the right to their own voice in different but very acute ways.

Partner cities as an alternative to cold diplomacy

Big diplomacy often sounds harsh: statements, votes, sanctions, crises, accusations, official visits. Municipal diplomacy works differently.

It does not solve the war with one tournament.

But it creates connections between people before politicians have time to spoil the language of conversation. Teenagers from Nahariya, Mykolaiv, Koszalin, Levallois-Perret, Paderborn, Penzberg, and other cities meet not in the format of press releases, but on the field, in buses, on excursions, at memorials, and in ordinary conversations.

This is the meaning of such tournaments.

For Germany — to continue the network of partnerships and show that cities can take responsibility for international connections. For Israel — to represent the country not only through war and politics, but also through youth, sports, respect, and memory. For Ukraine — to show that even during Russian aggression, its children remain part of Europe, and Ukrainian cities do not fall out of international life.

Why Nahariya ended up on the international map

Nahariya returned from Berlin with second place, but the main achievement is broader than medals. The city reminded of its long-standing connection with Tempelhof-Schöneberg, which began back in 1970 and became the first municipal connection between a German and an Israeli community.

Mykolaiv, in turn, entered this story as a Ukrainian city that, through solidarity partnership with Berlin, gets the opportunity for youth exchanges even in wartime conditions.

In one tournament, different historical layers came together: the memory of the Holocaust, German-Israeli reconciliation, Ukrainian resilience during the Russian war, European municipal diplomacy, and ordinary teenage football.

Therefore, this story should not be told as a note that “Nahariya lost the final 0:1.” It is much more accurate to say otherwise: Nahariya reached the final in Berlin, Israel and Ukraine found themselves side by side on the field of partner cities, and youth sports once again showed that international connections often begin not with big speeches, but with a simple match where children from different countries learn to see each other as people.

…
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The Ukrainian family fantasy “Khreshchatyk 48/2” / “Office of Magical Powers” (original in Ukrainian – “Офіс магічних сил”) is coming to audiences in Israel not just as a film screening, but as a children’s festival of magic, adventures, and Kyiv mysteries. In June, the film will be shown in Tel Aviv and Haifa, and before the screenings, guests will enjoy an entertainment program.

This event is aimed at families with children, the Ukrainian community in Israel, repatriates from Ukraine, and everyone who wants to introduce their child to modern Ukrainian cinema — lively, adventurous, magical, and connected with Kyiv.

At the center of the story is a city known to adults, and another Kyiv that only children can see.

What will be shown in Israel

The film “Khreshchatyk 48/2” is a Ukrainian family fantasy comedy of 2026. It is also presented under the title “Офіс магічних сил”.

According to the plot, 11-year-olds Yurko and Mia accidentally find a mysterious entrance to the Otherworldly Kyiv — a parallel world existing since 482. This is not the Kyiv you can see in tourist guides. It’s a hidden reality beneath the modern metropolis, accessible only to children.

What follows is a story with humor, mystical creatures, Ukrainian mythology, and real adventures. Funny magical characters come to life in the center of the modern city, and the main characters find themselves in a whirlwind of events where children’s curiosity can change a lot.

The film’s formula is understandable to both children and adults: there is a door that the elders cannot see; there is a city not described in ordinary descriptions; and there are children capable of going where the adult world has long forgotten to look.

Main information about the film

Title: “Khreshchatyk 48/2” / “Офіс магічних сил”

Genre: family fantasy, comedy, adventure film

Country: Ukraine

Year: 2026

Language: Ukrainian

Subtitles: English

Duration: 1 hour 31 minutes

Age recommendation: 6+

World premiere: May 28, 2026

The Ukrainian version of the film retains the natural language environment, and English subtitles make the screening understandable for those viewers in Israel who want to come with friends or family members who do not speak Ukrainian.

When and where the screenings will take place

Two screenings are planned in Israel — in Tel Aviv and Haifa. Both events are announced as a children’s festival plus a film screening, so it’s not just about a session, but a family evening with a festive atmosphere.

Tel Aviv

Date: June 17, 2026, Wednesday

Time: 18:30

Place: Ennis Auditorium

Address: Paamonit St 9, Tel Aviv

Ticket price: 76–106 ₪

Program:

17:30 — entertainment program

18:30 — film start

Before the screening in Tel Aviv, guests will enjoy a photo zone, a children’s entertainment program, and the encounter with the world of Ukrainian fantasy on the big screen.

Tickets – available on the Showman website

Haifa

Date: June 18, 2026, Thursday

Time: 18:15

Place: Planet, Hall 2, CineMall

Address: Sderot HaHistadrut 55, Haifa

Ticket price: 76–96 ₪

Program:

18:00 — entertainment program

18:15 — film screening

The screening in Haifa will take place at CineMall, in Planet 2 Hall. For families in northern Israel, this is a convenient opportunity to come with children to a Ukrainian film without traveling to the center of the country.

Tickets – available on the Showman website

Why this screening is important for the Ukrainian community in Israel

For repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, and families who found themselves far from their usual cultural environment after 2022, such events are significant not only as children’s entertainment.

It’s a way to maintain a connection with the language, cities, images, and tales that make up a child’s memory. Especially when it comes to Kyiv — a city shown in the film not only as a capital but as a space of legends, mythology, power, and imagination.

Against the backdrop of war, separation, relocations, and constant news, it’s important for children to see Ukraine not only through a lens of anxiety. They need a Ukraine of adventures, humor, magic, heroes, and a living future.

That’s why such screenings become part of the cultural life of Ukrainians in Israel. NANovosti — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this event an important listing for the family audience: here, Ukrainian cinema, Israeli cities, children, language, and a shared need for normal joy come together.

Who created the film

“Khreshchatyk 48/2” was created by film producer Oleksiy Komarovskyi. The director is Dmytro Avdeyev, and the screenplay was written by Yuriy Mikulenko.

The film was produced by Komarovskyi Films with the support of the State Agency of Ukraine for Cinema. Worldwide distribution is handled by Ukrainian Producers Hub / UPHub.

The main roles were played by young actors Ivan Novinsky and Kira Sayapina. The cast also includes Lyubomyr Valivots, Iryna Kudashova, Daniel Salem, Volodymyr Rashchuk, Oleksandr Yarema, Natalka Denysenko, TAYANNA, Hryhoriy Reshetnyk, Khrystyna Reshetnyk, Oleksiy Komarovskyi, and others.

The official teaser of the film was released on September 4, 2025, and the official trailer on April 8, 2026.

Event organizer in Israel

Organizer of the screenings in Israel: “Znyato v Ukraini” / Created in Ukraine.

The event is declared public.

For Israel, this is an especially important format: Ukrainian cinema is released not in a closed circle but in an open urban space — in Tel Aviv and Haifa, where thousands of families connected with Ukraine live.

What awaits the audience

Guests are invited to a warm, bright, and lively evening — with laughter, adventures, a children’s holiday, and the magic of Ukrainian cinema.

This event can be perceived as a family outing: come with children, friends, nephews, younger brothers, and sisters. For children, it will be a fantastic world on the big screen, for adults — an opportunity to feel the adventure with them for an hour and a half.

Organizers suggest bringing not only children but also your own inner spirit of adventure.

Because for a few hours, Israel can indeed become a bit more magical.

Tickets

What: children’s festival + screening of the Ukrainian film “Khreshchatyk 48/2” / “Офіс магічних сил”

For whom: families with children, recommended age 6+

Where: Tel Aviv and Haifa

When:

June 17, 2026 — Tel Aviv

June 18, 2026 — Haifa

Language: Ukrainian

Subtitles: English

Duration: 1 hour 31 minutes

Tickets:

Tel Aviv — 76–106 ₪

Haifa — 76–96 ₪

Organizer: “Znyato v Ukraini” / Created in Ukraine

Tickets – available on the Showman website

…
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The dollar sharply fell against the shekel again and on the morning of May 29, 2026, it dropped below the psychological mark of 2.80 shekels. For the Israeli market, this is no longer just currency statistics, but an indicator of how the war, negotiations between Washington and Tehran, the situation in the Strait of Hormuz, the policy of the Bank of Israel, and the growth of American markets simultaneously pressure the exchange rate.

Currently, the dollar is trading at around 2.81 shekels, the euro is also weakening against the Israeli currency and is around 3.27 shekels. For consumers, this sounds like good news: imports, purchases abroad, airline tickets, and orders on international websites may become more affordable.

But for exporters, high-tech companies, startups, and institutions that receive money in dollars, the picture is much more complicated.

Why the dollar fell against the shekel

Several factors on the local currency market are working in favor of the shekel.

The first is the absence of strict intervention by the Bank of Israel. The regulator has not yet shown a willingness to aggressively buy dollars to stop the strengthening of the shekel. The reason is clear: a strong national currency helps contain inflation, and rising prices remain one of the key problems for the Israeli economy.

For the market, this is a signal. If the Bank of Israel is not in a hurry to reverse the trend, participants continue to sell dollars and buy shekels.

The second factor is related to Israeli pension funds, insurance companies, and other institutional investors. A significant portion of their assets is located abroad, including in the American market. When stocks in the US rise, the dollar value of these assets increases. To maintain the balance of currency exposure, such structures sell part of the dollars and buy shekels.

This technical operation looks dry, but its effect is very noticeable: additional demand for the shekel appears on the market.

The role of high-tech and currency inflow

This is complemented by a steady inflow of foreign currency into Israel. The export of high-tech services, investments, deals, placements, and international payments continue to bring dollars into the country.

Even in wartime conditions, the Israeli economy maintains strong sectors that earn abroad. This supports confidence in the shekel and reduces the sense of panic around the Israeli market.

Another important element is the foreign exchange reserves of the Bank of Israel, which are estimated at more than 220 billion dollars. For investors, this is a kind of safety cushion. It does not eliminate risks but shows that the country has a margin of safety.

Washington, Tehran, and Hormuz: why the market looks beyond the economy

The sharp movement of the exchange rate does not occur in a vacuum. Investors are following reports of a possible 60-day pause in hostilities and contacts between the US and Iran.

According to reports from Washington, the parties have mostly agreed on the terms of a memorandum on a 60-day ceasefire, which should provide space for longer-term agreements. However, final approval from US President Donald Trump, according to published data, has not yet been given.

And here the market remains cautious.

During the months of war, similar reports of possible breakthroughs have already appeared, but they have not always led to a real agreement. Therefore, investors react to hope but do not forget about the risk of a new breakdown.

A separate nerve is the Strait of Hormuz. Reports of escalation in this area, including claims of actions by Iranian forces against American ships, immediately increase the significance of the oil, transport, and military factor. For Israel, this is not distant geography, but part of the overall security picture: Iran, sea routes, energy, American presence, and regional stability are interconnected.

Against this background, the currency market is actually assessing not only the economy of Israel but also the likelihood of a broader regional turnaround.

Why global markets are reacting more calmly than expected

Despite the uncertainty, global markets positively perceive the chance of an agreement between the US and Iran. Additional support is provided by investor interest in artificial intelligence companies and especially in chip manufacturers, where demand remains high.

For the Israeli reader, the simple connection is important here: if American markets grow, Israeli institutional investors more often sell dollars to balance portfolios. And this again strengthens the shekel.

That is why the dollar exchange rate in Israel today depends not only on decisions in Jerusalem or Tel Aviv. It reacts to Wall Street, Tehran, Washington, the Strait of Hormuz, and expectations for the global economy.

Who benefits from a weak dollar — and who is already losing money

For the average consumer, a strong shekel looks almost like a gift.

Imported goods become cheaper. Overseas trips become more affordable. Purchases on international websites look more attractive. If importers really pass on part of the currency benefit to buyers, this may ease the pressure on prices within Israel.

But it’s too early to rejoice automatically.

Not all currency benefits immediately reach the cash register in the supermarket, the tourist package, or the bill for equipment. Part of the difference may be taken by supply chains, distributors, logistics, and retail. Therefore, for the consumer, the effect will depend not only on the exchange rate but also on competition in the specific market.

For exporters, the situation is the opposite. Israeli companies that receive revenue in dollars but pay salaries, rent, taxes, and operating expenses in shekels face a direct squeeze on income. The lower the dollar, the fewer shekels they receive for the same contract.

This is especially painful for companies with low margins.

High-tech is also not fully protected. Startups and service companies often attract money or receive payments in dollars, while most of their expenses are incurred in Israel. At an exchange rate of about 2.80 shekels, financial plans calculated for a higher dollar start to look different.

In the middle of such a story, it is important to look not only at the beautiful headline “the dollar fell” but also at the consequences for different groups. That is why NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers the exchange rate as part of a broader picture: economy, security, international politics, and real expenses of Israeli families go hand in hand here.

A separate blow to the world of donations

There is another sector that is rarely mentioned in the first lines of economic news — educational, religious, charitable, and community institutions that depend on donations from abroad.

For yeshivas, kollels, schools, aid funds, and non-profit organizations, a weak dollar can become a serious problem. If a donor from the US transfers 10 thousand dollars, the institution receives noticeably fewer shekels than it received at a higher exchange rate.

On paper, the amount in dollars is the same.

In reality — less money for salaries, scholarships, rent, food, educational programs, and ongoing assistance to families. To maintain the previous level of activity, such structures need to collect more dollars, which is not always possible.

Therefore, a weak dollar is not only a topic of bank charts. For part of Israeli society, it is a question of the sustainability of entire support systems.

What the Bank of Israel can do

The main question now is where the red line for the regulator lies.

As long as a strong shekel helps fight inflation, the Bank of Israel may not intervene sharply. But if the blow to exporters, employment, high-tech, and structures dependent on foreign currency becomes too noticeable, pressure on the regulator will increase.

The Bank of Israel has tools. It can buy currency, give market signals, change the tone of comments, and influence expectations. But any such action has a price: supporting the dollar can weaken the anti-inflationary effect of a strong shekel.

That is why the decision does not look simple.

If the dollar remains around 2.80 shekels or goes lower, Israel will get cheaper imports and some relief on prices. But at the same time, anxiety will increase among those who earn in currency but live and pay expenses in shekels.

In the coming days, the market will be looking in several directions at once: at US-Iran negotiations, at the situation in the Strait of Hormuz, at Wall Street dynamics, at the behavior of institutional investors, and at signals from the Bank of Israel.

The dollar exchange rate has become not just a number on the screen. It has turned into an indicator of how much Israel now depends on the balance between war and diplomacy, global markets and domestic prices, consumer interests, and the survival of those who bring currency into the country.

…
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