How for the first time in the world a fallen IDF soldier was commemorated in the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv

This is the first case in world practice where a street in a city outside of Israel has been named after a fallen IDF soldier.

A street in Kharkiv has been named after Sergeant of the Israel Defense Forces Alexei (Asher) Neikov, who saved dozens of children from death during a terrorist attack on a school bus. This was reported by Israeli journalist Shimon Briman in his article on the website “Ukrainian-Jewish Encounter”.

In September 1996, 17-year-old Alexei independently repatriated to Israel from Kharkiv. He was preparing to study at the Technion — dreaming of the department of astronautics and aerodynamics. But he decided to first serve in the IDF — the Israel Defense Forces.

On October 29, 1998, terrorists directed a car filled with explosives at two school buses carrying Jewish children near the settlement of Kfar Darom.

Israeli soldiers guarding the buses managed to turn their jeep across the road — and took the hit themselves. The children were unharmed, two soldiers were injured. One died. It was Sergeant Alexei (Asher) Neikov.

Sergeant of the Israel Defense Forces Alexei (Asher) Neikova hero, writes Shimon Briman, who saved dozens of children from death during an attack by Arab terrorists on a school bus, received the highest posthumous honor in his hometown: a street in Kharkiv — the second-largest metropolis in Ukraine, is named after him. This is the first case in world practice where a street in a city outside of Israel has been named after a fallen IDF soldier.

Kharkiv is located just 30 kilometers from the border with Russia and is subjected to daily rocket attacks from the aggressor country. The city, which had a population of one and a half million people before the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022, has been defending itself not only on the front lines but also in the sphere of culture and ideology for the third year.

The toponymic commission of the Kharkiv municipal council recently decided to rename 367 street names, alleys, and squares associated with Russia and the USSR. Kharkiv Mayor Igor Terekhov signed this decision, and it came into effect on May 1, 2024.

Among the new street names are the names of 35 fallen defenders of Ukraine who were born in Kharkiv or defended the city; 13 of them were awarded the highest title of Hero of Ukraine.

In addition to the fallen Ukrainian soldiers and officers, the name of one Kharkiv native — Alexei Neikov, an IDF sergeant who died defending Israeli children in 1998, is now eternally glorified on the streets of Kharkiv.

Against the backdrop of anti-Semitic demonstrations and anti-Israel unrest on university campuses in the USA and cities in Western Europe, such a clearly pro-Israel step by the municipal council and mayor of Ukrainian Kharkiv deserves special respect.

As part of the implementation of the Law of Ukraine “On the Condemnation and Prohibition of Propaganda of Russian Imperial Policy and Decolonization of Toponymy,” 510 street names and other toponymic objects have been renamed in Kharkiv since the beginning of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.

History laughed at Putin: the president of Russia attacked Ukraine using the beacon ideas of “protecting and spreading the Russian World,” but in reality, Putin led to a colossal reduction in the zone of influence of Russian culture and the Russian language.

In Kharkiv, which was previously considered the most Russian-speaking city in Ukraine, almost all names associated with Russia and the USSR, with Russian and Soviet culture, were erased from the map from 2022 to 2024. More and more residents of Kharkiv are demonstratively switching to the Ukrainian language, unwilling to speak the language of the occupiers.

“The author of these lines, writes Shimon Briman, has been following these renamings for almost two years. As a historian and author of the article “Kharkiv” in the Jewish Encyclopedia, in the summer of 2022, I prepared a list of 25 outstanding Jews in the history of Kharkiv at the request of the Jewish community. This list was submitted to the municipal council as options for renaming streets. One of the main names on this list was Alexei Neikov.

The name Neikov was supported by municipal council deputy Irina Goncharova-Bagalei and the chief rabbi of Kharkiv, Moishe Moskovich. Letters in support of this initiative were written by the Israeli ambassador to Ukraine, Michael Brodsky, public organizations “Israeli Friends of Ukraine” and “Orthodox Union Israel.”

Today I can proudly say that three personalities from this list of outstanding Jews have become streets in Kharkiv, where my childhood and youth passed.”

In addition to the name of Alexei Neikov, the names of architects Viktor Estrovich and Alexander Ginzburg, whose masterpieces still adorn Kharkiv, were also approved in the renaming list, despite being endangered by Russian missile and Iranian “shahid” attacks.

Viktor Estrovich was shot by the Nazis in December 1941 in Drobitsky Yar. Putin’s occupiers continued the tragedy of the Holocaust at this place in March 2022, shelling the memorial complex in Drobitsky Yar, where almost 15,000 Jews of Kharkiv, killed by Nazi occupiers, lie in two mass graves.

The outstanding urban planner Alexander Ginzburg led the Jewish community of the city after the liberation of Kharkiv from the Nazis in 1944-1945, under pressure from Stalin’s punitive organs.

The irony of today, writes Shimon Briman, is that some Jewish or quasi-Jewish names were removed from the map of Kharkiv in the spring of 2024 during the liquidation of Russia’s legacy. Thus, four (!) Birobidzhan passages, named after the “Jewish Autonomous Region” of the Russian Federation, were renamed.

The street of Isaac Dunaevsky, a Soviet composer-Jew of the 1920s-1950s, was also renamed. Kharkiv did not forgive Dunaevsky, who studied and began his career in this city, for such pro-communist songs as “My Moscow,” “My Wide Native Land,” “Oh, It’s Good to Live in the Soviet Country,” “Song of Stalin,” “Song of Kakhovka.” Especially in wartime, when this Moscow tries to expand its possessions by barbaric methods at the expense of a neighboring country, and Kakhovka was captured by Russian occupiers who blew up the Kakhovka Reservoir in southern Ukraine.

But, writes Shimon Briman, let’s return to the fate of the Kharkiv Jewish youth Alexei Neikov, which connected Ukraine and Israel.

He studied for several years at Jewish school No. 170 under the leadership of Grigory Shoikhet, then graduated from the senior classes of the religious-Zionist lyceum “Sha’alvim,” which at that time had the highest percentage of graduates repatriating to Israel in the world.

Now, after the renaming of the former Gastello Street, Jewish secondary school No. 170, which has a room in memory of Alexei Neikov, will be located on a street named after its student Neikov.

In September 1996, 17-year-old Alexei arrived in Israel without his parents. He was preparing to study at the Technion — dreaming of the field of astronautics and aerodynamics. But he decided to first serve in the IDF — the Israel Defense Forces.

On the tragic day of October 29 (9th of Heshvan) 1998, at 07:30 am, Arab terrorists directed a car filled with explosives at two school buses carrying 48 Jewish children near the settlement of Kfar Darom in Gush Katif.

Israeli soldiers guarding the buses managed to turn their jeep across the road — and took the hit themselves. The children were unharmed, two soldiers were injured. One died. It was Sergeant Alexei (Asher) Neikov — forever a 19-year-old new repatriate from Kharkiv.

The evening before, Asher called home.

“Tomorrow I have my first combat mission: to escort a bus with children. I’ll be in the first jeep.” “Why necessarily in the first?” — his mother worried. “Because in the first. I decided so.”

Thanks to his feat, in the children he saved, who have grown over 25 years, more than 120 of their own children — young Israelis — were born. So, Asher Neikov preserved lives for them too. Some of them named their children in his honor with the names Asher and Ashrat. They still maintain contact with the soldier’s parents — Klara and Semen Neikov, who live in Haifa.

In memory of Neikov, a Torah scroll was written for the synagogue in the Jewish settlement of Kfar Darom, which was destroyed in 2005 by order of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon during the so-called “disengagement from the Gaza Strip.” The Jewish settlements destroyed then later became bases for Hamas terrorists, against whom Israel is now waging a heavy war.

The children he saved and who grew up created a touching video clip “Children of the Ninth of Heshvan” in memory of Sergeant Neikov in 2014.

In 2022, Neikov’s parents were presented with a portrait of Alexei, assembled from hundreds of photographs of the saved children, their families, and the children born to them.

“Naming a street after our student Asher Neikov is a huge achievement! At first, I couldn’t believe that in the conditions of war, Kharkiv remembers a person born in the city who became a true hero of Israel. Therefore, I perceive this decision of the municipal council and Mayor Igor Terekhov as a historic event and as an important stage in the context of Ukraine-Israel relations,”

– Israeli rabbi and lawyer Shlomo Asraf, who was the founder and spiritual leader of the “Orthodox Union” Center in Kharkiv and the religious-Zionist lyceum “Sha’alvim” from 1993-2009, told me, writes Shimon Briman.

Kharkiv resident Irina Sherstobitova, Asher Neikov’s English teacher at the “Sha’alvim” lyceum, noted:

“Every year we tell our students about his feat. The lyceum has a memorial board about Asher’s amazing act. A bright and righteous guy, polite and erudite, he spoke French, English, Russian, Ukrainian, and Hebrew, brave and physically fit, with an incredibly attractive smile. We must believe in the bright future that such brave guys as he give us.”

Klara Neikov, Alexei’s mother, received the news from Kharkiv with great gratitude.

“I just have no words. Thank you very much to everyone who supported this initiative. My husband and I would be happy to visit Kharkiv and unveil a memorial plaque on the street named after our son. If only the situation around the city improved, and if the war ended,” — Klara Neikov told me, writes Shimon Briman, in a phone conversation.

In the Israeli organization “Yad Le-Banim”, which coordinates work on commemorating fallen IDF soldiers, in response to my request, writes Shimon Briman, they replied that they are not aware of other cases of naming streets in cities outside of Israel after fallen Israeli soldiers, and that, likely, the decision of the Kharkiv authorities is the first example of this kind in the world.

The Kharkiv street in honor of Alexei Neikov will become another bridge of friendship and interpersonal connections, linking Ukraine and Israel — two countries fighting for the freedom, independence, and physical survival of their citizens.

This bridge works both ways. In the same days when the Kharkiv municipal authorities were deciding on renaming streets, the Kharkiv National University named after Vasyl Karazin was selecting the first laureate of the Mark Azbel Prize in theoretical physics.

We wrote about this — “The Prize of Israeli Scientist and Dissident Mark Azbel Will Help His Alma Mater in Kharkiv, Ukraine”.

This prize was established in the spring of 2024 in memory of the outstanding physicist — Professor of Tel Aviv University Mark Azbel, who began his scientific career at Kharkiv University.

Irina Kolodna from the Israeli city of Ramat HaSharon, the widow of the scientist, allocated $25,000 for five years to support young researchers at Kharkiv National University. The first laureate of the Azbel Prize became 39-year-old Dr. Zakhar Maizelis, a professor of the Department of Theoretical Physics; his award ceremony will take place on May 16, 2024, in honor of Israel’s Independence Day.

In all this, I, writes Shimon Briman, see great symbolism — and timeliness. Precisely now, when Ukraine and Israel are repelling attacks from the global axis of evil.

It was from Kharkiv that the BILU ensemble (1882) came — Jewish students of the University who were the first in the world to begin reviving the Land of Israel with their labor. It was the Kharkiv Zionist Conference (1903) that in an ultimatum demanded the creation of a Jewish state only on the ancient Land of Israel, rejecting the “Uganda Plan.”

It was the Kharkiv industrial giant “Turboatom” that refused in 1997 — at the request of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Minister of Industry and Trade Natan Sharansky — to supply turbines for a nuclear reactor in Iran, which delayed the Iranian nuclear program for many years.

It was in Kharkiv in 2024 that for the first time in the world a street was named after a soldier of the Israel Defense Forces.

And it is precisely to Kharkiv National University that an award named after an Israeli scientist-physicist — a student of Academicians Landau and Lifshitz — comes from Israel.

 


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“Free-Palestine” weapon of Russia: why Ayder Muzhdabaev calls the slogan “From the river to the sea” part of the Kremlin axis

Video Aider Muzhdabaev from May 19, 2026, with the theme “Free-Palestinian” weapons of roZia. “From the river to the sea” — part of the Kremlin axis is built around one harsh thought: the modern anti-Israel hysteria in Europe, according to the author, does not exist separately from Russian propaganda, but works as part of a broader information war against Ukraine, Israel, and Western societies.

This is not just a conversation about slogans, rallies, or debates around Gaza.

Muzhdabaev connects several processes: attempts by Western media to equate the victim and the aggressor, the rise of ultra-left and ultra-right movements, TikTok propaganda, old Soviet anti-Zionist schemes, and current Kremlin narratives. At the center of his reasoning is the question of why Israel and Ukraine increasingly find themselves in the same attack zone by those who verbally speak of humanism but in practice repeat formulas beneficial to Moscow.

What this video is about

Aider Muzhdabaev begins with a topic that is painfully understandable today to both Ukrainians and Israelis: how media can change the optics of society.

After attacks on Russian territory, he says, part of the Western media begins to write about the suffering of Russians as if there is no cause-and-effect relationship, no full-scale invasion, no Ukrainian cities destroyed by Russian missiles, and no right of the victim to resist.

It is here that the author draws a parallel with Israel.

According to his logic, a similar mechanism is used against Israel: first, aggression and terror are taken out of the brackets, then attention is shifted only to retaliatory actions, after which the victim is gradually portrayed as the “new aggressor.” Thus, a convenient formula for propaganda appears: Ukraine is “to blame itself,” Israel “uses disproportionate force,” and the real source of violence disappears from the frame.

Why “Free Palestine” is compared to the “Russian world”

The main provocative line of the video is the comparison of the slogan “Free Palestine” in the current European street format with the ideology of the “Russian world.”

Muzhdabaev does not speak about the right of people to sympathize with civilians. His claim is directed at another construction: when, under the guise of protecting Palestine, hatred towards Israel is spread, Israeli security is denied, Hamas is justified, or an attempt is made to present a terrorist structure as an analogue of Ukraine.

For the author, this is a fundamentally unacceptable mixture.

Ukraine, in his view, is defending itself against Russian aggression. Israel is defending itself against forces that do not recognize its right to exist. And the attempt to put Ukraine in the place of Gaza, and Israel in the place of Russia, looks like a deliberate substitution beneficial to the Kremlin.

Kremlin axis: ultra-left, ultra-right, and the old Soviet matrix

One of the central ideas of the video is the convergence of extreme political flanks.

Muzhdabaev compares the ultra-left and ultra-right to two heads of one imperial eagle. Formally, they feud with each other, but on the issues of Russia, Ukraine, Israel, and the anti-Western agenda, they unexpectedly begin to sound almost the same.

The ultra-right often promote sympathy for Putin, isolationism, and the thesis “no need to help Ukraine.”

The ultra-left, according to the author, act differently: through pacifist slogans, anti-Israel marches, anti-Zionist rhetoric, and the constant demand to “stop the war” without distinguishing between aggressor and victim.

As a result, both streams work towards one goal — to weaken the ability of Western societies to distinguish defense from attack, the right to self-defense from aggression, a democratic country from a terrorist or imperial project.

Why this is important for Israel and Ukraine

For the Israeli audience, this topic sounds especially acute.

Israel has already faced a situation where, after a terrorist attack, international attention gradually shifts from the crime of the aggressor to the actions of the country that responds. Ukraine sees a similar process: Russian aggression continues, but more and more publications and comments appear where the cause of the war is no longer discussed, but the “too harsh” response of Kyiv.

In this context, NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency considers Muzhdabaev’s video as part of a broader discussion about how Russian propaganda works not only through direct Kremlin channels but also through foreign slogans, foreign protests, foreign media fatigue, and foreign emotionality.

The main blow, which the author speaks of, is directed not only against a specific country.

It is directed against the ability of society to maintain moral clarity.

What Aider Muzhdabaev is trying to show

The video is constructed as a warning.

Muzhdabaev says that young people are especially vulnerable to short emotional videos, TikTok narratives, and simple slogans, where a complex war turns into a picture: “weak against strong,” “victim against army,” “people against state.”

The problem is that such a picture easily becomes a tool of manipulation.

If you remove the context of October 7, remove the role of Hamas, remove the Russian invasion of Ukraine, remove missile attacks, kidnappings, terror, and the ideology of destruction, then any inverted scheme can be sold to the viewer. In such a scheme, Israel becomes a “colonial aggressor,” Ukraine — a “new threat to peace,” and Russia gets the opportunity to appear not as the source of the war, but supposedly as one of the sides of a global conflict.

This is what the author calls a dangerous loss of cause-and-effect connection.

The final meaning of the video

The main conclusion of Muzhdabaev can be formulated as follows: lies corrode society like acid.

First, it changes the language.

Then it changes the emotion.

Then it changes the moral map: the aggressor becomes a “complex side of the conflict,” the victim — “too harsh,” terrorists — “resistance,” and countries that defend themselves begin to be accused of daring to defend themselves at all.

Therefore, the video is important not only as a polemic around the slogan “From the river to the sea.” It is important as a conversation about how the Kremlin can use foreign protests, foreign media, and foreign naivety for one goal — to weaken support for Ukraine, demonize Israel, and blur the line between good and evil.

For Ukraine and Israel, this line is not theoretical.

It runs through the front, hostages, missiles, families of the deceased, cities under shelling, and the right of the people not to disappear under the pressure of those who want to rewrite reality by force.

Who is Aider Muzhdabaev and why his position is important for Israel

Aider Muzhdabaev is a Ukrainian journalist, publicist, media manager, and one of the prominent Crimean Tatar voices in the Ukrainian information space. He was born on March 8, 1972, in Tambov, is of Crimean Tatar origin, and after the start of Russian aggression against Ukraine, he took a consistent anti-Kremlin position. In 2015, he moved to Ukraine and became the deputy general director of the Crimean Tatar TV channel ATR.

Before moving to Kyiv, Muzhdabaev worked for many years in the Russian press, including the newspaper “Moskovsky Komsomolets,” where he was deputy editor-in-chief. His departure from the Russian media environment was not just a professional turn, but a political and moral choice against the backdrop of the annexation of Crimea, Russia’s war against Ukraine, and the transformation of Russian media into a tool of Kremlin propaganda.

In Ukraine, Muzhdabaev became one of the public voices that constantly speak about Crimea, Crimean Tatars, Russian occupation, war, propaganda, and the responsibility of democratic societies in the face of aggression. For him, the topic of Russia is not abstract geopolitics, but a system of pressure, lies, and violence that is equally dangerous for Ukraine, Israel, and Europe.

Muzhdabaev’s connection with Israel also does not seem accidental. On January 29, 2026, his creative meeting took place in Tel Aviv at the Ukrainian Cultural Center, which is associated with the Embassy of Ukraine in Israel. The meeting was dedicated to the war, Crimea, Crimean Tatar resistance, Russian propaganda, and the collection of voluntary donations for the battalion named after Devlet I Giray.

For the Israeli audience, such a meeting had a separate meaning. Muzhdabaev addressed people who themselves live in a country with a constant threat of war, terror, and international pressure. Therefore, his conversation about Ukraine, Crimea, and Kremlin propaganda in Tel Aviv sounded not like a distant foreign policy topic, but as part of a common struggle of societies that defend their right to existence and security.

Muzhdabaev also has a personal Israeli line.

In one of his texts, he wrote that his sister Sonya moved to live in Israel, married an Israeli from Kyiv, and her child began studying in an Israeli school. This is an important detail: Israel for him is not only a political topic but also a real country where close people, families, children, repatriates live, and those who build a normal life against the backdrop of constant threats.

Muzhdabaev’s attitude towards Israel in his public comments is quite clear: he considers Israel as a country that defends itself, not as an aggressor. In the video about “Free-Palestinian” weapons of roZia, he places Ukraine and Israel in the same semantic row — as societies against which similar propaganda mechanisms work: substitution of causes and effects, equating the victim with the attacker, emotional pressure through media, and an attempt to destroy moral clarity.

That is why his position on Israel sounds not like an external comment of a commentator, but as a continuation of the general anti-Kremlin optics. Muzhdabaev sees in the anti-Israel hysteria not just a dispute about the Middle East, but a convenient tool for Russia: through slogans, TikTok, street marches, ultra-left and ultra-right movements, the Kremlin, in his opinion, tries to simultaneously strike at Israel, Ukraine, and Western societies.


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Ukraine and Israel are still without automatic CbC exchange — what does this mean for business

Ukraine has already launched automatic exchange of Country-by-Country Reporting with 99 countries worldwide, but Israel remains among the states with which this mechanism has not yet come into effect.

This is important news not for the general audience, but for a specific circle: international corporate groups, tax consultants, lawyers, accountants, and businesses operating between Ukraine, Israel, the USA, the EU, and other jurisdictions.

According to the publication ‘Law and Business’ dated May 18, 2026, citing the State Tax Service of Ukraine, the automatic exchange of CbC reports is already in effect between Ukraine and 99 countries. However, between Ukraine and a number of states, including the State of Israel, such exchange has not yet begun to apply.

What happened and why Israel ended up on the list

CbC is the reporting of international corporate groups by country. Such reports disclose where the group earns income, where it shows profit, where it pays taxes, and in which jurisdictions it conducts real economic activity.

For tax authorities, this is one of the tools for controlling transfer pricing.

In other words, the state looks not only at an individual company within its country but at the entire international structure: where assets, employees, revenue, profit, taxes, and management centers are located. This helps to identify schemes where profit may be artificially shifted to more favorable tax jurisdictions.

Ukraine signed the Multilateral Competent Authority Agreement on the automatic exchange of CbC reports on November 3, 2022, and it officially came into force for Ukraine on July 4, 2024.

But the mere signature under the multilateral agreement does not mean that the exchange automatically started with all countries simultaneously.

To launch the exchange between specific states, both parties must complete legal and technical procedures. Until this is done, the mechanism is temporarily not applied specifically in relations between these countries.

With whom the exchange is not yet in effect

In the Ukrainian list of countries and territories with which the automatic exchange of CbC has not yet come into force, Canada, Vietnam, Israel, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Botswana, Cape Verde, Gabon, Greenland, Haiti, Mauritania, and Morocco are indicated.

It is separately noted that Ukraine has not yet signed a bilateral agreement on the automatic exchange of CbC with the USA.

For Israel, this does not mean ‘tax isolation’ and certainly does not mean a lack of cooperation with Ukraine in other formats. It is specifically about the specific mechanism of automatic exchange of reports of international corporate groups by country.

But for business, the wording is still important.

If an international structure has Ukrainian and Israeli elements, owners, directors, and consultants need to understand which data is automatically transmitted, which is not yet transmitted through the CbC mechanism, and which may be requested or disclosed through other tax and legal channels.

Ukraine, Israel, and the transparency of international business

The Ukrainian-Israeli business connection has become much more noticeable in recent years. There are companies whose owners, management, employees, contractors, assets, or clients are located in several countries at once. Some of these structures are related to IT, trade, medical services, online services, consulting, real estate, logistics, and investment projects.

Against this background, tax transparency becomes not a technical topic but a part of business security.

Automatic exchange of CbC is primarily needed by large international groups. But its logic has a broader impact: states are increasingly checking where real value is created, where decisions are made, where people are located, and why profit ends up in one jurisdiction or another.

For Ukrainian businesses working with Israel, this means the need to build documentation, contracts, management logic, and tax position in advance. For Israeli companies with a Ukrainian direction — the same, only from the other side.

In the middle of this topic for NANewsIsrael News | Nikk.Agency, the practical meaning is important: Ukraine and Israel remain connected not only by politics, war, repatriation, and humanitarian issues but also by business. And business in such a connection needs clear rules, predictability, and understanding of where ordinary planning ends and tax risk begins.

Why this is not a reason to relax

The absence of automatic exchange of CbC between Ukraine and Israel at the current stage should not be perceived as a ‘window of invisibility’.

Firstly, it is only about one type of reporting.

Secondly, the international tax environment is changing rapidly. What is not yet technically or legally launched today may start working tomorrow after the completion of procedures.

Thirdly, tax authorities can use other mechanisms for exchanging information, requests, documents from banks, audit data, open registers, corporate reporting, and materials submitted by the companies themselves.

Therefore, for international groups, the main conclusion is not that the exchange with Israel is not yet in effect, but that they need to prepare for a more transparent environment in advance.

What companies and consultants should consider

The State Tax Service of Ukraine recommends considering the current status of international information exchange when planning activities, preparing reports, and controlling transfer pricing.

For business, this means several practical questions.

It is necessary to understand whether the company is part of an international group, whether it falls under the CbC rules, where the parent structure is located, in which country the report is submitted, which group companies operate in Ukraine or Israel, and how functions, risks, assets, and profits are distributed.

It is also important not to confuse CbC with regular tax reporting. This is not a small business declaration and not a standard report of an individual company. It is a tool for large international groups, but it affects the overall culture of tax control.

For companies with a Ukrainian-Israeli contour, it is especially important not to wait until the mechanism fully operates between the two countries. It is wiser to check the structure, intra-group agreements, pricing, management functions, and evidence of real economic activity in advance.

The Israeli angle: why the news is important right now

Israel is a country with a strong technology sector, international investments, and a large number of companies operating in several markets at once. Ukraine, despite the war, maintains a significant IT base, entrepreneurial activity, service exports, and connections with the diaspora.

At the intersection of these two economies, many hybrid structures arise: Ukrainian teams work for Israeli companies, Israeli entrepreneurs collaborate with Ukrainian contractors, some owners or specialists change their country of residence, and business continues to serve clients in different jurisdictions.

Here, tax transparency becomes a matter not only of law but also of reputation.

If a company operates carefully, documents decisions, shows the real logic of profit distribution, and does not try to mask artificial schemes, new mechanisms for exchanging information should not become a shock. If the structure relies on gray agreements, risks will increase.

While the automatic exchange of CbC between Ukraine and Israel is not in effect. But the direction of movement is already clear: the international tax system is becoming increasingly interconnected, and states are less willing to take businesses ‘at their word’.

For Ukrainian-Israeli companies, this is a signal not for panic, but for order.


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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

PANORMITIS with stolen Ukrainian grain left Iskenderun — Turkey becomes another country where Russia’s “grain trafficking” has failed

The ship with grain from the occupied territories of Ukraine once again could not unload peacefully.

The bulk carrier PANORMITIS, IMO: 9445021, left the anchorage of the Turkish port of Iskenderun. There are no official statements from the Turkish side at the time of publication, so the wording requires caution: it is not about a confirmed public decision by Ankara, but about the actual development of the situation around the ship, which did not receive the usual scenario of entry and unloading.

This was written on May 17, 2026, by Ukrainian expert on maritime logistics and shipping monitoring Kateryna Yaresko. In her message, she indicated that PANORMITIS left the anchorage of Iskenderun, and there are no official messages yet, but the situation looks as if Turkey refused to accept the ship carrying grain from the occupied territories of Ukraine.

Yaresko separately reminded: this is already the second country that reacts to Ukraine’s appeal. Before this, the bulk carrier with stolen grain was not accepted in Israel.

According to the Ukrainian side and specialized maritime sources, PANORMITIS is associated with the transportation of grain, the origin of which Ukraine considers related to the temporarily occupied territories. It was previously reported that the ship was awaiting permission to enter Iskenderun after it could not unload in Israel.

This is already the second episode where the route of PANORMITIS encounters a serious reaction after Ukrainian appeals.

Before Turkey, there was Israel: Haifa did not become a point of unloading.

Initially, the bulk carrier found itself at the center of a diplomatic crisis around the Israeli port of Haifa. Ukraine officially asked Israel to detain the ship, check the documents, take cargo samples, and interrogate the crew, claiming that the grain on board was associated with Russian export from the occupied Ukrainian territories.

Later it became known that the cargo was not unloaded in Israel.

The Ukrainian side presented this as a result of Kyiv’s legal and diplomatic pressure. Publications also indicated that PANORMITIS carried about 25 thousand tons of grain.

For Israel, this story became sensitive not only because of the Ukrainian-Russian context. It concerns reputational, legal, and political risks: if the grain is indeed associated with the occupied territories, its acceptance could look like participation in the chain of legalization of products exported under war conditions.

That is why for the Israeli audience, this episode is more important than just one port incident. НАновости — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency has already noted that such deliveries can become a test for business, the state, and diplomacy: where “ordinary trade” ends and responsibility for the origin of the cargo begins.

The Turkish episode strengthens the signal for the market.

After Israel, PANORMITIS headed to Turkey. The Ukrainian side hoped that Ankara would not accept the disputed cargo if its origin was related to the occupied territories of Ukraine.

Now, after Kateryna Yaresko’s report on the ship’s departure from the Iskenderun anchorage, the situation looks like another practical result of Ukrainian pressure. Even without a loud official statement, the very fact of the impossibility of calmly accepting such cargo becomes a signal for traders, ports, insurance companies, and importers.

Why it matters

The story of PANORMITIS shows that grain from the occupied territories is no longer just a Ukrainian problem. It becomes an issue for every country where such cargo is attempted to be brought.

For Ukraine, it is a struggle not only for the harvest but also for proving that Russian occupation should not become a normal commercial scheme.

For Israel, it was a test of the ability not to become the final point of a dubious route.

For Turkey — a test of balance between trade, relations with Russia, relations with Ukraine, and its own role in Black Sea-Mediterranean logistics.

What remains unknown

There is still no official message from Turkey about the formal refusal to accept PANORMITIS. Therefore, the main confirmed conclusion now is this: after the refusal to unload in Israel, the ship came under Ukraine’s attention, approached Iskenderun, awaited a decision, and then, according to Kateryna Yaresko, left the anchorage.

If Ankara confirms the refusal officially, it will not just be a maritime detail, but a diplomatic precedent: two countries in a row have effectively refused to accept cargo that Ukraine associates with the occupied territories.

For now, the exact formula of this story is: there are no official messages, but the movement of the ship itself has already become news. Ukraine continues to track the route, and the market receives a clear signal — cargoes from the occupied Ukrainian territories can become toxic not only politically but also commercially.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

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Ukrainian soldier learns of his Jewish roots and undergoes circumcision after tragedy at the front

While the attention of the Israeli public is focused on the confrontation between Israel and Iran, the war in Ukraine does not subside. Russian missiles continue to strike Ukrainian cities, destroying both civilians and civilian infrastructure.

But amid the destruction, losses, and anxiety, there are also stories that inspire — especially for the Jewish community, both in Ukraine and in Israel.

One of the largest portals for the ultra-Orthodox audience in Israel, “בחדרי חרדים” (Behadrei Haredim), on June 20, 2025, published two stories from Kyiv that vividly reflect how Putin’s aggression affects Jewish life in Ukraine.

On one hand — the shelling and destruction of a Talmud Torah building in Kyiv.

We already reported about this on June 10, 2025 — in the photo — a burned Hanukkiah thrown by the explosion, Kyiv, Artem Business Center, Hlybochytska 4, June 10, 2025

On the other handthe personal story of a Ukrainian soldier who, after witnessing the death of his comrades, discovered his Jewish roots and decided to undergo brit milah (circumcision).

These two events are about pain and hope, about war and faith, about sacrifice and choice. They touch on the deepest levels of how Jewish Ukraine experiences the war — and why it matters for Israel.

A soldier who became Jewish not by blood, but by choice

A young Ukrainian man, a musician and sound engineer by profession, was invited to a studio where a song for the Jewish community of Kyiv was being recorded. The project was coordinated with the participation of Rabbi Yaakov Bleich, whose work includes dozens of Jewish initiatives across the country.

During the recording, choir members noticed a kippah on the sound engineer’s head. The question came half-jokingly: “Are you Jewish by any chance?” The answer turned out to be unexpectedly serious:

“Yes, I’m Jewish. But I’m completely secular. I don’t know anything about religion. I just know I’m Jewish, so I wear a kippah.”

That initial interaction with the Jewish community did not go any further. The young man went to the front lines. But fate had already prepared a turning point that would bring him back to his true self.

Pain, explosion, and rebirth: how tragedy became a choice

A few weeks later, while on a combat mission with fellow soldiers, a Russian missile hit their position. It was one of the many shellings that Putin’s army relentlessly carries out on Ukrainian soil. Several of his comrades were killed instantly, and others were seriously wounded. He miraculously survived — with a hand injury, but alive.

This moment was life-changing. Having experienced fear, pain, and death firsthand, he realized he needed to rethink his life. While in the hospital, he told Avraham Bleich, the son of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine:

“With God’s help, I want to begin getting closer to Judaism.”

A week later, in a modest yet moving ceremony, he underwent brit milah. It was not just a formality. He took the name Moshe — in honor of Moshe Rabbeinu, as he explained: “Moshe gave the Torah, and now I want to accept it.”

This story is not just about a religious act. It is a story of inner transformation, one that happens not in a synagogue, but against the backdrop of war, under the sound of sirens, when a person searches for meaning to hold on to.

While some choose faith, others lose their home: the Talmud Torah attack

At the same time, a Russian missile struck the Talmud Torah building in Kyiv. Before the war, it was a place of education for children from Kyiv’s Jewish community, including students from the Chabad movement and others connected to Rabbi Bleich’s educational programs. The building, a spiritual home for dozens of families, was completely destroyed.

Photos from the site show severe destruction: collapsed walls, destroyed classrooms and prayer halls. Study materials, religious books, ritual objects — all buried under rubble.

“We are witnessing not just the destruction of buildings, but of spiritual centers. The destruction in Kyiv echoes what we experience in Israel from Iranian attacks. But in these moments, we see more Jews returning to their roots, despite everything,” said Rabbi Yaakov Bleich.

A shared front: Israel, Ukraine, and spiritual resistance

The website NAnews – Israel News emphasizes that such stories must not be overlooked. Because they concern what is most essential — the preservation of Jewish identity, even in the midst of total war. When a young man undergoes circumcision, despite his injury and recent trauma, it is an act of inner resistance, an act of faith, an act of belonging to the Jewish people.

When Jewish schools are destroyed — it’s not just about walls. It’s about how Russia attacks not only Ukraine but Jewish roots, education, and the future.

These moments make the closeness between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples all the more evident. In recent years, cooperation between the communities of both countries has intensified. And the way Ukraine protects its Jewish institutions — even during war — is an example to the world.

Conclusion: Moshe’s path and a destroyed school — two faces of one war

A soldier no one had known became a symbol of spiritual rebirth. He didn’t just survive — he returned to his roots and became Moshe.

And the destroyed Talmud Torah in Kyiv became a symbol that the enemy destroys not only buildings, but meaning itself. But Jewish life continues — even under fire.

The website NAnews – Israel News will continue to report on such stories. Because in them lies the truth about war and faith, about the line between loss and rediscovery.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

In Kamianets-Podilskyi, a monument will be unveiled to Ukrainians who saved Jews during the Holocaust

On May 14, Ukraine commemorates the Day of Remembrance of Ukrainians who saved Jews during World War II. In 2026, this date gained special significance again: in Kamianets-Podilskyi, in Khmelnytskyi region, preparations are underway to unveil a monument to the Righteous Among the Nations — people who risked themselves and their families to save Jews during the Nazi terror.

In Khmelnytskyi region, 89 residents have been recognized as such. They are no longer alive, but their names are preserved in the Book of Memory, in museum archives, in family stories, and on the Avenue of the Righteous Among the Nations in Jerusalem.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is not a distant history from a Ukrainian region. It is part of the collective memory of the Holocaust, of human choice under conditions of absolute fear, and of those invisible threads that connect Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish people.

Kamianets-Podilskyi prepares for the unveiling of the monument to the Righteous

In Kamianets-Podilskyi, there are plans to unveil a monument to the Righteous Among the Nations — Ukrainians, thanks to whom Jewish families were able to survive during World War II. According to Olga Nikitina from the Hesed Besht Foundation, the unveiling of the monument is tentatively expected in August 2026.

This is not just a new memorial object on the map of Khmelnytskyi region. For the city, where the history of the Jewish community was almost destroyed by the Nazis, such a monument becomes a sign of the return of memory to the public space.

During World War II, saving Jews was a deadly dangerous decision. If the Nazis found out that a person was hiding a Jew, punishment threatened not only the rescuer but also their family. That is why the title of Righteous Among the Nations is not a formal honor but a recognition of an act committed on the border of life and death.

89 names of Khmelnytskyi region

In Khmelnytskyi region, today, 89 people are known to have saved Jews. Among them are mentioned, in particular, the Shershunov, Larionov, and Pukasov families. Their names are connected not only with local history but also with the memory preserved in Israel — on the Avenue of the Righteous Among the Nations in Jerusalem.

There, in Yad Vashem, memory is expressed not only in documents. In the memorial space, trees are planted in honor of people who, during the Holocaust, chose not indifference but risk and mercy.

According to Yad Vashem data as of January 1, 2024, Ukraine ranks fourth among the countries of the world in the number of recognized Righteous Among the Nations. The Ukrainian list includes 2713 people. This is not dry statistics, but thousands of individual decisions: to hide, to feed, to warn, to lead out, not to betray, to remain human when the system demanded betrayal.

The Holocaust in Khmelnytskyi region: destroyed communities and memory of the ghettos

The history of the monument in Kamianets-Podilskyi sounds especially poignant due to the scale of the tragedy experienced by the Jewish community of the region. According to data presented on Ukrainian Radio Khmelnytskyi, during the Holocaust, about 150,000 Jews were destroyed in the territory of Khmelnytskyi region. In Kamianets-Podilskyi alone, there were 23,000 victims, among them about 1,500 children.

In Proskuriv, now Khmelnytskyi, the Nazis created two ghettos. One was called “professional” — it held doctors and other specialists. The other was a general ghetto for the Jewish population of the city.

In these places, people died not only from shootings. They died from hunger, cold, diseases, lack of water, and sanitary conditions. Therefore, the memory of the Holocaust in Khmelnytskyi region is not one date and not one memorial, but a whole map of destroyed families, interrupted traditions, and cities where Jewish life was forcibly cut short.

White tablecloth from the Proskuriv ghetto

In the Memory Museum at the public Jewish center “THIYA” in Khmelnytskyi, there is an item that speaks of tragedy more strongly than many official formulations. It is a white tablecloth crocheted by a girl named Ida behind the walls of the Proskuriv ghetto.

Ida was a teenager. She died in the ghetto. She had a friend, Marusya — a Ukrainian who visited her and was in love with Ida’s brother, Semen. At that time, Semen was fighting at the front. When he returned, he and Marusya got married.

For them, Ida crocheted a white tablecloth for Shabbat. In Jewish tradition, on Friday evening, when Shabbat begins, the table is covered with a white tablecloth. Even in the ghetto, in conditions of humiliation, fear, and hopelessness, Ida tried to preserve tradition because tradition is also a form of resistance to annihilation.

Later, the descendants of Semen and Marusya donated this tablecloth to the Holocaust Museum. Today it is kept in a glass cube — as an item that outlived its creator and became a testament to life, love, memory, and tragedy.

Why this memory is important today — for Ukraine and Israel

Olga Nikitina noted that it is especially important to talk about the feat of Ukrainians who saved Jews today, when Ukraine has been living in conditions of war for many years. War shows what a person is capable of: some choose fear, some indifference, and some help others, even when it is dangerous.

This thought today does not sound like a museum phrase. Repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, families connected with both countries, well understand that the memory of the rescuers of Jews is not only a conversation about the past. It is a conversation about how a person behaves when there is someone else’s pain, someone else’s risk, and someone else’s death nearby.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such stories precisely in this context: the connection between Ukraine and Israel is held not only on diplomacy, politics, or today’s news but also on human actions that survive generations. Ukrainians who saved Jews during the Holocaust left behind not a slogan but an example of personal responsibility.

Monument as a sign for the living

The future monument in Kamianets-Podilskyi is important not only for the descendants of the saved families. It is needed for those who live today near these places, walk the same streets, pronounce the names of cities and villages where entire Jewish communities once disappeared.

Memorials do not bring back the dead. But they prevent society from pretending that nothing happened.

In this sense, the monument to the Righteous Among the Nations in Khmelnytskyi region will speak of two things at once: the terrible price of the Holocaust and the people who at that moment refused to become part of the machine of destruction.

For Israel, such memory has special value. In Jerusalem, the names of the Righteous are already inscribed in the space of the national memory of the Jewish people. Now another sign of memory should appear in Kamianets-Podilskyi — on the land where the tragedy occurred and where there were people who dared to stop it, even for one family, one child, one neighbor.

That is why May 14 is not just a date in the Ukrainian calendar. It is a day when Ukraine reminds: alongside the history of destruction, there was also a history of salvation.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Chinese greeting to Trump: why Xi’s victory worries Ukraine and Israel

Donald Trump’s visit to China was supposed to be a demonstration of American strength. According to the White House’s plan, the US president was to arrive in Beijing as a leader capable of speaking toughly with Xi Jinping — about trade, Taiwan, Iran, rare earth metals, and the new architecture of global balance.

In reality, it turned out differently.

China gave Trump a lavish reception, showed symbols of imperial and party power, provided plenty of beautiful images for the cameras, but on the main issues left Washington without a clear breakthrough. The focus of the negotiations was Taiwan — and it was on this topic that Beijing, judging by public signals after the meeting, achieved caution from the US, which has already caused concern in Taipei.

For Israel, this story is important not only as another episode of US-China confrontation. It shows how great powers bargain over allies, territories, routes, weapons, and future wars. In this logic, Taiwan, Ukraine, the Middle East, and Iran become parts of one large system of pressure.

Beijing gave Trump a ceremony, but not a victory.

Trump’s first visit to China in many years took place against the backdrop of great expectations. The American delegation included politicians, business representatives, and people associated with major corporations. China, on its part, focused on symbolism: reception, banquet, walks, closed spaces of power, demonstration of history, and personal access to Xi Jinping.

Such diplomacy is rarely accidental.

Beijing knows how to turn a ceremony into a political message. When a guest is shown the greatness of the state, ancient gardens, halls of power, and a long historical perspective, they are simultaneously reminded: China does not intend to behave like a junior partner. It sees itself as a civilizational center that can wait, pressure, and bargain for a long time.

According to The Guardian, the visit provided a lot of pomp and symbols, but few concrete results: key topics — Taiwan, Iran, trade, rare earth elements, and technological restrictions — remained without a convincing breakthrough.

What was left behind the beautiful picture

The Trump administration talked about possible major deals, including the purchase of Boeing aircraft and the expansion of trade agreements. But an important detail is that not all of Washington’s loud statements received the same clear confirmation from Beijing.

This is already a problem.

If one side talks about a ‘big deal,’ and the other prefers to remain silent or formulates everything much more cautiously, it means the negotiation result remains in question. For Trump, who builds his political style on the image of a dealmaker, such uncertainty looks weaker than the ceremonial photos from Beijing.

The Chinese side, on the contrary, had the opportunity to show internal and external audiences calm confidence. Xi Jinping received the American president on his territory, outlined red lines, and did not look like someone in a hurry to concede.

That is why the original Ukrainian material from TSN presents this visit as a failure for the White House: instead of negotiations ‘from a position of strength,’ Trump faced tough signals from Beijing on Taiwan and the future US-China balance.

Taiwan became the main nerve of the meeting.

The most sensitive issue — Taiwan.

Before and after the summit, it became clear that Beijing is seeking a revision of Washington’s approach to military support for the island. It concerns a large arms package for Taiwan: Reuters writes that after Trump’s statement that the decision on future supplies has not yet been made, Taipei once again emphasized the strategic importance of American weapons for deterring China.

This was a worrying moment.

For decades, the US maintained a policy of strategic ambiguity: it did not recognize Taiwan’s independence as a separate state in a formal diplomatic sense, but at the same time helped the island defend itself and did not allow Beijing to consider a forceful scenario safe. Now, the very fact of publicly discussing the arms package with Xi is perceived by Taiwan as a risk.

PBS reminded of an important detail: one of the ‘Six Assurances’ the US gave to Taiwan is that Washington did not agree to consult with Beijing on arms sales to Taipei. Therefore, any signals that China might influence such decisions are especially painful for the island.

Why Trump’s words were a cold shower for Taipei

After the negotiations, Trump did not give a firm answer on whether the US would defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese attack. He also stated that the decision on arms sales would be made later.

For diplomacy, this may sound like ordinary caution.

For Taiwan — like a dangerous pause.

The New York Post reported that Trump spoke about the need to ‘cool down’ the rhetoric between China and Taiwan and was in no hurry to confirm support for a new arms package. In the same logic, he used the topic of supplies as an element of negotiations with Beijing, rather than as a separate commitment to Taipei.

This is exactly what China is striving for: to turn Taiwan from a US partner into a subject of negotiations between Washington and Beijing.

For Israel, this sounds familiar. Small and medium democracies in a dangerous environment always closely watch how great allies behave under pressure. Because the question is not only about weapons. The question is whether the ally considers your security part of their strategy or a bargaining chip in a larger game.

In this context, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees the main risk of Trump’s Beijing visit not in the absence of a loud deal, but in the shift of emphasis: China tested how far the US is willing to go in caution if trade, rare earth elements, Iran, and global competition are on the table.

Why Beijing is waiting for Putin after Trump

Another important signal is Putin’s upcoming visit to China. In the original TSN material, this episode is presented as part of a broader picture: immediately after contacts with the American president, Xi is preparing to receive the Russian leader, and this enhances the symbolic effect.

Here, the sequence of meetings is not the only important thing.

China shows that it can talk to the US, bargain with them, receive Trump with maximum pomp — and at the same time maintain a strategic link with Russia. For Washington, this is an unpleasant reminder: Beijing does not intend to choose between dialogue with America and partnership with Moscow if it can use both directions in its interests.

Against the backdrop of Russia’s war against Ukraine, tensions around Iran, and threats in the Strait of Hormuz, this link becomes even more significant. Trump reported that he discussed the Russian-Ukrainian war with Xi, but, as follows from reports after the visit, Ukraine did not become the central topic of negotiations. The Guardian also noted that among the major issues of the summit were Iran, Taiwan, and trade, but no significant results emerged.

What this changes for Ukraine and Israel

For Ukraine, this picture is unpleasant: if Beijing feels that Washington is forced to consider China on several fronts at once, Moscow gains more room for maneuver. Russia remains for China not an equal partner, but a useful tool for pressure on the West.

For Israel, the risk is different, but the logic is similar.

When the US simultaneously tries to contain China, restrain Iran, support allies, manage trade competition, and prevent a new war around Taiwan, each region begins to fight for a place in the American agenda. The Middle East in such a situation does not disappear, but becomes part of a large overloaded board.

That is why Trump’s visit to China cannot be assessed only by banquets, handshakes, and statements of friendship. The main outcome is that Beijing managed to put Taiwan at the center of the conversation, did not give Washington an obvious diplomatic victory, and showed that its dialogue with the US does not prevent it from strengthening relations with Russia.

For Trump, it was a visit where the picture looked rich, but the political result turned out to be much poorer.

For Xi — an opportunity to demonstrate patience, control, and confidence.

And for Taiwan, Ukraine, and Israel — another reminder: in the era of a new struggle of great powers, the security of allies depends not on beautiful ceremonies, but on whether a strong partner is ready to pay the price for deterring an aggressor before a new war begins.


Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Matzevot as a Code of Memory: How Forgotten Jewish Heritage of Ukraine Comes to Life

Thousands of forgotten Jewish cemeteries are scattered across Ukraine — from Lviv to Odessa, from Podolia to Transcarpathia. On their matzevot — ancient tombstones with inscriptions in Hebrew — one can still read the names of rabbis, craftsmen, women, and children whose lives ended in the last century. These stones are the last witnesses of an entire world that disappeared in the whirlwind of history.

Today, this world is beginning to be restored: researchers, students, volunteers, international funds. Ukraine is gradually reclaiming its Jewish memory — cleaning matzevot, erecting fences, deciphering inscriptions, learning to read the language of stone.

The impetus for a new wave of attention was an event in the Khmelnytskyi region — a seminar of the European Jewish Cemeteries Initiative (ESJF), held on October 21, 2025, at the Jewish cemetery in the town of Horodok. This is where our story begins about how history, which cannot be erased, is being revived.

Unique Seminar in Horodok

On October 21, 2025, in the town of Horodok, Khmelnytskyi region, a unique seminar was held on the territory of the local Jewish cemetery. The organizer was the European Jewish Cemeteries Initiative (ESJF) — European Initiative for the Preservation of Jewish Cemeteries, with the support of the German Foreign Ministry.

The event was conducted by researcher Yevhen Levinzon, a well-known specialist in Jewish epigraphy.

The seminar was attended by museum staff, local historians, students of the International Certification Program in Judaica, journalists, and local residents. They studied the inscriptions on matzevot — stone tombstones that tell the stories of people who lived here three hundred or more years ago.

Horodok became a symbol of a new wave of interest in Ukraine’s Jewish heritage. Here, as in many towns of Podolia, there was a large Jewish community before the war, founded back in the 17th century. According to Yad Vashem, in 1939, more than 2,500 Jews lived in Horodok — almost a third of the population. After the Holocaust, the community disappeared, and the cemetery remained the only witness to this history.

The seminar was accompanied by presentations of ESJF projects, including the International Jewish Cemetery Research Competition, which takes place in the fall of 2025. The organization reminded that in 2024, a new protective fence was installed here in Horodok, funded by Germany as part of a pan-European program for the preservation of Jewish necropolises.

The Scale of Jewish Cemeteries in Ukraine

Modern research records from 1,000 to 1,500 Jewish cemeteries and mass burial sites in Ukraine.

  • According to ESJF, by 2024, 4,140 Jewish cemeteries were surveyed in just 10 Eastern European countries, about 1,500 of which are in Ukraine.
  • The Jewish Heritage Guide confirms: in Lviv, Ternopil, and Ivano-Frankivsk regions alone — over 500 sites.
  • As early as 2005, the “Lo Tishkach” report recorded 731 cemeteries and 495 mass burial sites.

The highest concentration is in the western regions: Galicia, Volhynia, Podolia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia.
In the central and eastern regions (Poltava, Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk), large urban necropolises of the 19th–20th centuries have been preserved.

The Largest Jewish Necropolises in Ukraine

Chernivtsi — one of the largest cemeteries in Eastern Europe (area 14 ha, about 50,000 burials). Founded in 1866, it is still in operation and has been state-protected since 1995. Here rest rabbis, professors of Chernivtsi University, poets, and public figures of Bukovina.

Lviv — New Jewish necropolis on Zolochivska Street (founded in 1855). Despite the destruction of World War II and the Soviet period, some tombstones — especially from the 18th–19th centuries — have been preserved.

Kyiv — Lukyanivka Jewish Cemetery, opened in 1866. There are memorial sections dedicated to Babi Yar. Many burials have been studied as part of the “Jewish Memory Map” project.

Odessa — New Jewish Cemetery, founded in 1885, became the largest in the south of the country. Here are the graves of Rabbi Yakov Leibovich, actor Beni Krik, the Schwartzman and Brodsky families.

Drohobych — 18th–19th-century cemetery, where matzevot with rare baroque motifs and inscriptions in Hebrew and German were discovered. Some monuments were restored with the support of ESJF and volunteers from Poland and Israel.

Horodok (Khmelnytskyi region) — the cemetery is known for its unique 17th–19th-century tombstones made of Podolian limestone. Symbols of Kohanim (hands in blessing), Levites (pitchers), carved images of birds, and wreaths are found here. In 2024, ESJF installed a metal fence and an information stand with a QR code leading to a map of the cemetery. Today, Horodok is considered a training ground for students of the Judaica program and local historians of Podolia.

Matzeva: The Language of Stone and Codes of Memory

Matzeva (Heb. מצבה) — a traditional Jewish tombstone, a “stone of memory,” installed on a grave shortly after burial.

Materials and Forms

  • limestone, sandstone, less often granite or marble;
  • usually a vertical rectangular slab, sometimes with an arch or rounded top;
  • height — from 60 cm to 1.5 m; in the 18th century, Galician matzevot could be carved in the form of a portal or gate.

Language and Inscriptions

  • inscriptions — in Hebrew, Aramaic, later German, Polish, Russian;
  • the first lines — the abbreviation פ״נ (“Here lies”);
  • the concluding formula — תהא נשמתו צרורה בצרור החיים (“May his soul be bound in the bundle of life”).

Symbolism

Each drawing is a metaphor for the life of the deceased:

  • hands in blessing — Kohen;
  • pitcher with water — Levite;
  • candles — woman;
  • lion, deer, bird, tree — allegories of courage, sorrow, or valor.
    In Galicia and Podolia, there are complete narrative compositions with animals, musical instruments, and Torah.

Classification

  1. Archaic (16th–17th centuries) — simple slabs without ornamentation.
  2. Baroque (18th century) — rich carvings, plant motifs.
  3. Galician and Podolian (19th century) — clear iconography, family signs.
  4. Soviet period (20th century) — geometric shapes, sometimes portraits.

History of Studying Matzevot and Jewish Necropolises

Interest in Jewish epigraphy in Ukraine arose as early as the 19th century.
In the 1840s, Rabbi Ber Meir Shik published the first decipherments of inscriptions in Transcarpathia.
At the end of the 19th century, researcher Shimon Dubnov included descriptions of Jewish cemeteries in his “History of the Jewish People in Russia and Poland.”
After the Holocaust, interest in the Soviet Union was almost lost.

Revival began in the 1990s:

  • in 1993, the Society for the Protection of Jewish Monuments “Memorial” was established in Kyiv;
  • in 1996, the first digital catalog of tombstones of the Brody cemetery appeared;
  • since 2015, ESJF has been conducting systematic surveys of Jewish necropolises in Ukraine using drones and 3D models.

Modern academic centers (A. Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Judaica Center in Kyiv and Lviv) offer courses in epigraphy, archaeology, and field research.
It is the students of these programs who participate in today’s seminars like the one held in Horodok.

International Initiatives and Education

ESJF works in partnership with the European Union, the German Foreign Policy Fund, and Ukrainian museums.
By 2024, the organization built more than 300 fences and registered the coordinates of all Jewish cemeteries in the country in an open database.

The International Interdisciplinary Certification Program in Judaica (Kyiv, A. Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine) prepares young researchers and teachers to work with Jewish heritage.
The course includes Hebrew, Yiddish, the history of Jews in Ukraine, epigraphy, and museum practice.

The International Jewish Cemetery Research Competition, announced in 2025, accepts submissions until December 1 in nine European countries. Winners will be invited to the Jewish Heritage Festival in Prague in the spring of 2026.

Conclusion

The seminar in Horodok is not a one-time event but part of a large movement to restore Jewish memory in Ukraine. Matzevot, carved in stone in the 18th century, are being read today by young researchers; cemeteries, where oblivion reigned for decades, are becoming open-air museums.

Ukraine is reclaiming the forgotten voice of Jewish heritage — and it is through projects like ESJF and the Horodok seminar that this heritage is gaining a second life.

Sources

JewishNews Ukraine — Seminar in Horodok, 2025

ESJF – European Jewish Cemeteries Initiative

Jewish Heritage Guide – Cemeteries Database

Jewish Heritage Europe – Ukraine Section

International Certification Program in Judaica (Kyiv)

Ukrainian Jewish Encounter – Essay on Cemeteries

Wikipedia – Jewish Cemetery in Chernivtsi

Support from the State of Ukraine and Local Authorities

Ukrainian state policy and local self-government bodies are increasingly involved in the protection of Jewish cemeteries and matzevot — this direction is gradually becoming part of the state memory policy. The issue was first legally established back in 1998 when the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine adopted a decree prohibiting construction and privatization on the territories of former and existing Jewish cemeteries. This document was an important step in protecting necropolises from destruction and commercial development.

The Law of Ukraine “On Burial and Funeral Affairs,” adopted in July 2003, obliged local self-government bodies to survey old burial sites, keep records, and ensure preservation. Cemeteries with historical or cultural value are subject to protection as objects of national heritage.

From 2021 to 2024, more than a hundred memorial steles were installed at Jewish cemeteries in Ukraine, and several hundred more sites received permits for restoration or fence installation.

These initiatives are implemented with the participation of the Ministry of Culture, the Institute of National Memory, local administrations, and international partners. In many cities of western Ukraine — Lviv, Sambir, Berezhany, Brody, Chortkiv — municipalities include Jewish cemeteries in urban improvement programs. Local historians, schoolchildren, volunteers, and representatives of Jewish communities participate in these projects. They clear the territory, install plaques and QR codes, and create routes “in the footsteps of Jewish history.”

Today, we can talk about a gradual transition from individual volunteer actions to a systematic model of interaction between the state, local authorities, and public organizations.

Step by step, Ukraine is creating a foundation for Jewish cemeteries to become not places of oblivion but part of the national memory and respect for the history of all peoples who lived on its land.


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Jerusalem Day: over 3000 years – from June 7, 1967, to May 15, 2026

On the evening of May 14, 2026, Jerusalem Day begins in Israel. The holiday itself falls on May 15 — 28 Iyar 5786. According to the Hebrew calendar, this is 28 Iyar 5786 — the date when Israel commemorates the liberation of the Old City and the reunification of Jerusalem during the Six-Day War.

It is important not to confuse the two dates here. The historical event occurred on June 7, 1967: it was then that Israeli paratroopers entered the Old City and reached the Western Wall. But the state holiday in Israel is not fixed on the civil date of June 7, but on the Hebrew date — 28 Iyar. Therefore, every year on the regular calendar, Jerusalem Day falls on different dates.

In Israeli historical tradition, Jerusalem is more often associated not with a single exact founding date, but with the era of King David: around 1000 BCE, he made the city the capital of the Kingdom of Israel. Therefore, in Israel, people often speak of more than a 3000-year connection of the Jewish people with Jerusalem. Archaeologically, however, a settlement at this site existed even earlier — approximately from the 4th–3rd millennium BCE.

Jerusalem as a city of memory, rights, and responsibility

For the Jewish people, Jerusalem is not just a capital and not just an ancient city. It is a place around which prayer, memory, the national dream, and the very idea of return have been built for centuries.

Armies, empires, tribes, and rulers came to its walls, confident that they could take the city for themselves forever. Where are they today? The history of many of them has ended, but Jerusalem remains at the center of Jewish destiny.

That is why Jerusalem Day cannot be perceived only as a festive ceremony with flags, songs, and official speeches. It is a date that reminds Israel: the past cannot be handed over to those who want to erase the Jewish connection to the city.

After the proclamation of the State of Israel on May 14, 1948, Jerusalem was divided. The western part of the city was under Israeli control, while the Old City, East Jerusalem, and the main Jewish holy sites were under Jordanian rule.

Formally, after the 1948 war, rights of access to holy places were supposed to be maintained. In practice, Jews were unable to pray freely at the Western Wall for almost two decades. The Old City was closed to them, and the dividing line ran through the living fabric of the capital.

This was not just a political conflict. For the Jewish people, it was an open wound.

The Six-Day War and the path to the Old City

In June 1967, tensions around Israel escalated into the Six-Day War. The country faced threats on several fronts, and in the early days of the war, no one could know in advance what the outcome would be.

The Central Front, commanded by Uzi Narkiss, was of particular importance. His task was not only to control the direction of Jerusalem. He was responsible for one of the most vulnerable areas of the country — the region near Netanya, where the distance from the forward Jordanian positions to the Mediterranean Sea was just over ten kilometers.

For small Israel, this was a strategic “bottleneck.” A successful enemy strike in this area could split the country and pose a threat to the very existence of the state.

While decisive battles unfolded in Sinai and the Golan, the Central Front had to hold this critical area. But when it became clear that the Jordanians were not using the opportunity for such a breakthrough, Uzi Narkiss decided to act more boldly.

The offensive, begun as a military necessity, led Israeli forces to Jerusalem.

Paratroopers of Motti Gur and a phrase that entered history

In the battles for the city, Israeli paratroopers under the command of Motti Gur played a key role. Their advance to the Old City became one of the most powerful symbols of the 1967 war.

The phrase “The Temple Mount is in our hands” forever entered the national memory of Israel. But behind these words were not only emotions. Behind them were battles, fallen soldiers, the risk of commanders, and the understanding that this was a place that could not be replaced by anything in Jewish history.

Jerusalem was not just taken under control. The city, divided after 1948, became united again.

This victory was military, historical, and spiritual at the same time. Israel not only pushed the threat away from its borders but also returned to the places from which the Jewish people had been forcibly cut off for almost nineteen years.

When military victory requires political continuation

After the war, Israel took important legal steps. The Knesset passed laws that extended Israeli jurisdiction over the united Jerusalem. Later, in 1980, the Basic Law on Jerusalem as the capital of Israel was adopted, where the city was proclaimed the united and indivisible capital of the state.

But this is where the main dispute begins, which has not lost its sharpness to this day.

The military campaign of 1967 ended with a brilliant victory. The Old City was liberated, East Jerusalem came under Israeli control, and access to the Western Wall was restored. However, the issue of the Temple Mount became a symbol of a more complex dilemma.

On one hand, it is the place where the Temple stood, the central symbol of Jewish rights to the Holy Land. On the other hand, after the war, Israel left religious management of the complex in the hands of the Muslim Waqf, seeking to avoid an immediate religious explosion.

Some see this as a manifestation of state caution.

Others believe that it was at this point that the military victory was partially weakened by a political decision.

For the Israeli audience, this dispute is important not as an abstract historical discussion, but as a question of today. Nikk.Agency — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency considers Jerusalem Day in this context: victory on the battlefield must be supported by clear policy, otherwise, the opponent begins to perceive concessions not as strength, but as doubt.

The main lesson of 1967

The Six-Day War showed that Israel is capable of acting quickly, decisively, and effectively even under mortal threat. But the subsequent decades showed something else: a military victory alone does not close the conflict if it is not followed by political consolidation of the result.

This applies not only to Jerusalem.

It concerns the entire Israeli security strategy. Victory must be understood by the enemy, allies, international organizations, and its own society. If after the battle there is a sense of temporariness, the enemy begins to wait for the next round.

That is why Jerusalem Day is not only a day of gratitude for 1967. It is a day when Israel asks itself again: is it enough to just remember the victory if its meaning is constantly challenged?

Jerusalem today

Today, Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, the city of the Knesset, the residence of the president, government institutions, religious centers, museums, archaeological parks, universities, and vibrant neighborhoods. It is not a museum decoration, but a city where history continues every day.

On Jerusalem Day, state ceremonies, commemorative events, prayers, reading of Hallel, marches with Israeli flags, and gatherings at the Western Wall take place. Ceremonies in memory of soldiers who died in battles for the city hold a special place.

There is joy in this holiday, but there is no lightness.

It is joyful because Jerusalem was united.

It is heavy because it was paid for with blood.

It is political because the issue of Jerusalem remains central to Israel’s security, diplomacy, and national identity.

Why this day cannot be reduced to just a ceremony

Jerusalem Day reminds us that history does not end with a beautiful phrase and a festive march. If a people does not explain to itself the meaning of its own victory, others begin to do it for them.

Jerusalem has never been a random point on the map. It has been and remains the center of Jewish history, prayer, and statehood. Therefore, the conversation about it always goes beyond municipal boundaries, archaeology, or diplomatic formulas.

The main conclusion of the Six-Day War is harsh but necessary: even the most successful military campaign can turn into an unfinished victory if the enemy does not recognize defeat and the state does not turn the army’s success into a sustainable political reality.

Jerusalem has withstood empires, conquerors, and those who tried to rewrite its history. But today its future depends not only on the past but on the clarity of present-day Israel.

Jerusalem Day is a holiday of liberation. But even more, it is a test: is the state ready to defend not only the city but also the meaning of its victory.


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The strangest Passover contract: why does Israel sell its chametz to an Arab resident of Abu Ghosh every year

On the eve of Passover in Jerusalem, one of the most unusual yet most formal ceremonies of the Israeli religious-state calendar took place again. On Tuesday, March 31, 2026, the chief rabbis of Israel formalized the sale of the state’s chametz to Hussein Jabar from Abu Ghosh — the very person who, for many years, becomes, on paper, the owner of the country’s leavened property during the holiday. The official statement emphasizes that this is not only about the state’s chametz as an abstraction, but also about the chametz of ministries, government agencies, and those citizens who have authorized the rabbinate in advance to sell it on their behalf through an online form.

From the outside, this can be taken as a beautiful Israeli tradition with a touch of a joke: a Muslim becomes the “owner of the country’s bread” for a week.

But in reality, this is not folklore, but a working halachic and legal mechanism, without which state institutions, large warehouses, departments, and private owners would find themselves in a much more complicated situation before Passover. That is why this ceremony is conducted not symbolically in a square, but through documents, powers, a deposit, and the formal transfer of rights.

Why does Israel sell chametz before Passover at all

The basic reason is simple, but not always obvious to an outside observer.

The strangest Passover contract: why Israel sells its chametz to an Arab resident of Abu Ghosh every year
The strangest Passover contract: why Israel sells its chametz to an Arab resident of Abu Ghosh every year

According to Jewish law, during Passover, it is forbidden not only to eat chametz but also to keep it in Jewish possession. Moreover, the problem does not disappear if you simply remove the products from sight: rabbinical practice’s specific clarifications directly indicate that chametz that was in Jewish possession during Passover is forbidden even after the holiday ends.

Hence the solution that Israel has brought to a state scale. Chametz is sold to a non-Jew before the prohibition begins, and after Passover, it is usually bought back. For individuals, this could be a home supply, bottles of whiskey, pasta, or flour. For the state, it’s a completely different level: departmental warehouses, supplies in supply systems, food, and other categories of leavened property that cannot simply be massively destroyed without absurdity and direct losses.

Why Hussein Jabar became the buyer again

The story of Hussein Jabar is a separate part of this Israeli construct.

Jabar, a native of Abu Ghosh and a long-time employee of the Ramada Jerusalem hotel, has been performing this role for decades; according to him, it all started in 1995 when the then-chief rabbi Yisrael Meir Lau asked him to take on the purchase of the state’s chametz. Since then, he has regularly become the figure through which the state conducts the Passover sale.

What exactly they sell and what is included in this deal

This is where the confusion usually begins.

They do not sell “Israel as a whole,” not ministerial buildings, and not land as such. They sell exactly chametz — that is, leavened products from five types of grain that fall under the Passover prohibition. Basic clarifications include bread, pastries, dry cereals, pasta, many types of alcohol, and other products made from fermented or leavened grain.

On a state scale, this means not just a box of cookies in some office.

The current official statement refers to the chametz of the state, ministries, government structures, and also the chametz of private individuals who have pre-authorized the rabbinate through the website. In earlier official statements from the Chief Rabbinate, specific objects such as state emergency reserves, police, and prison service were also listed. That is, we are talking about quite real food and warehouse remnants in large volumes.

And another important detail that is often overlooked. They sell not only the “contents of boxes” in the household sense. Classic forms of chametz sale provide that the entire chametz in specified storage locations is included in the deal, even small remnants that no one would buy separately, and to strengthen the legal force of the deal, the buyer is given rights to access the premises where this chametz is located. Traditional formulations refer to the transfer of keys and even temporary rental of the storage premises themselves, so the deal does not look like an empty declaration.

Hence the practical rule that the rabbinate repeats separately: the sold chametz must be placed in a closed and marked place until the end of Passover. This is necessary because after the sale, it should no longer be used by the former owner, even if it physically remains in the same kitchen, the same warehouse, or the same departmental premises.

Otherwise, the whole point of the procedure is blurred.

How the cost of this chametz is calculated and where the “billions” come from

In public retellings, they love the phrase about “chametz worth billions,” sometimes even tens and hundreds of billions. But within the procedure, the assessment is not arranged like a newspaper headline. Official statements from the rabbinate indicated that during the ceremony, the buyer makes a deposit — in recent years, it was about 20,000 shekels — and already after Passover, the cost of the state’s chametz is assessed by three appraisers.

Only after this can a final settlement theoretically be made.

So the figure “billions” is not a random metaphor, but also not always the final account to the last shekel right on the day of the ceremony. Halachic texts, on which the logic of the sale is built, separately explain that the benchmark is the fair market value. If necessary, it is clarified after measuring or weighing the goods.

In one of the classic examples of sale, it is directly stated that the price is actually understood as the value that could be obtained on the local market, and the mechanism itself is equivalent to an assessment by “three people.”

That is why this deal should not be just theater. In the same texts, the buyer is given the right to enter storage places, receive keys, and even resell chametz to other non-Jews during Passover if he wishes. In practice, this almost never happens in the dramatic form that the mass press loves, but the legal logic is important: the sale must be formalized as real, not as a joke, otherwise, it loses both religious and legal force.

This is the Israeli paradox, which from the outside looks almost like a national ritual surrealism. But NAnovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency sees here not exoticism for the sake of a picture, but a point where an ancient prohibition, a modern state, digital services, and live Israeli bureaucracy unexpectedly work together — quite clearly, without unnecessary romance, and with a very specific practical meaning.

Where did this scheme come from and why hasn’t it disappeared

The roots of chametz sale are much older than the State of Israel.

One of the earliest mentions of such a practice is already found in the Tosefta: it describes a case with a Jew who went on a long journey and sold chametz to a non-Jew with the expectation that he could later buy back the remainder. Otherwise, after Passover, he risked being left without supplies.

On a small household level, this could still be solved simply — burn, throw away, eat in advance.

But as people acquired large stocks of grain, alcohol, flour, warehouse remnants, and commercial volumes, the complete destruction of goods began to mean serious economic damage. That is why the mechanism evolved: first as a private solution for merchants and stock owners, then as a standard procedure for communities, and in Israel — already as a formalized state practice.

Hence the answer to the main question that Israelis ask every year, especially those far from religious life: “Why not just throw it all away?” Because in reality, we are talking about a gigantic array of food and goods, partly state-owned, partly private, partly institutional.

The sale allows not to violate the Passover prohibition, not to destroy stocks unnecessarily, and not to turn holiday preparation into economic nonsense. That is why this strange-looking ceremony has such a stable status in Israel — and that is why it made the news again on March 31, 2026.

What is chametz, what exactly is included in it, and why is it treated so strictly on Passover

Chametz is not just “something flour-based,” but a very specific category according to Jewish law.

It refers to products from five types of grains — wheat, barley, rye, oats, and spelt — if they have come into contact with water and have fermented or started to leaven. In modern household examples, this is bread, rolls, cookies, grain-based alcohol (such as “Whiskey”), pasta, dry cereals, pizza, beer, and many other products that contain such grains or their derivatives.

Yes — ordinary vodka often falls into chametz, if it is made from grain: wheat, rye, barley, oats, or spelt. For Passover, this is considered a problem not because of the alcohol itself, but because of the raw material: if the alcohol is made from these grains, it is considered chametz.

But not all vodka is the same. Potato vodka is not chametz by itself, and vodka from corn or rice is not considered chametz, although for Ashkenazim, this may already touch on a separate custom regarding kitniyot. In any case, on Passover, such a bottle is taken only with a clear label Kosher for Passover, because additives, equipment, and the entire production process are also important.

Therefore, when in Israel they talk about selling chametz, it may not only be about a loaf of bread or a pack of spaghetti.

This category also includes larger stocks: flour from these grains, mixes, semi-finished products, warehouse remnants, grain-based alcohol, and industrial products where such components are present. It is important not to confuse chametz with kitniyot: rice, corn, legumes, lentils, and similar products are not considered chametz by themselves, although in Ashkenazi tradition many of them are also not eaten on Passover due to a separate custom, not because they are equated to chametz by the Torah.

In the Torah itself, the prohibition is directly and repeatedly prescribed. In the book of Exodus, it is said that before the holiday, leaven must be removed from homes, and during the seven days, chametz should not be in Jewish possession; it also says that chametz should not “be seen” and “be found” with you. In the book of Deuteronomy, the explanation of the meaning of matzah is added: it is the “bread of affliction,” eaten in memory of the hasty exodus from Egypt when the dough did not have time to rise.

This is where the answer to the question “why” comes from. On Passover, matzah becomes not just a permitted food, but a reminder of the Exodus and the fact that Jews left Egypt in haste. The prohibition of chametz is therefore connected not only with the kitchen but also with the memory of the event itself: Passover is arranged so that a person not only reads about liberation but literally experiences it through what is in their home and on their table.

Later halachic tradition has detailed what exactly to do with chametz before the holiday. Already the Mishnah in the tractate Pesachim begins the discussion with checking the house for chametz on the eve of the 14th of Nisan.

Then the Talmud develops these rules, Rambam in “Mishneh Torah” formulates the obligation to remove chametz before the prohibition moment, and the “Shulchan Aruch” establishes the practical order of checking and removing chametz from places where it can usually be found. So this is not only a biblical commandment but also a long, very specific legal tradition.

In practice, four main actions have grown out of this, familiar to religious and traditional Israel: chametz is searched for, removed, destroyed, or taken out of Jewish possession through sale to a non-Jew. That is why the state sale of chametz in Israel looks unusual only from the outside. Within Jewish legal logic, it is a continuation of an old norm: if chametz cannot be kept during Passover, it must either be destroyed or truly transferred to another owner.


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Jews from Ukraine: Haim Hazaz – from the Ukrainian village of Sidorovichi to the first ever Israel Prize for Literature

A boy from a Ukrainian Jewish village who survived pogroms and humiliation by Russian authorities in Kyiv became a symbol of Israeli literature. The biography of Haim Hazaz in our permanent section Jews from Ukraine is a bridge between Ukraine and Israel, past and future.

Roots in Ukraine: Childhood among forests and traditions

Today the name Haim Hazaz (חיים הזז) is known to everyone interested in the history of Israel and Jewish culture. But the beginning of his path is the Ukrainian village of Sydorovychi.

Haim Hazaz (real name – Haim Fishel Feldman) was born in 1898 in the village of Sydorovychi, Kyiv province (now – Vyshhorod district, Kyiv region of Ukraine). This small place was located in the wooded area of Polissya and was a typical Jewish settlement with the dominant role of the traditional community.

His father was a Breslov Hasid and managed a sawmill, so the future writer’s childhood was spent in a small house among dense forests.

In early childhood, Haim studied at a cheder – a Jewish religious school at the synagogue, where he learned Hebrew, Tanakh, the main laws and traditions. Later he received a secular education, possibly at a rural or city school, where he studied languages and the basics of secular subjects in depth.

In everyday life, there was a lot of household communication between the inhabitants. As a rule, people spoke a mixture of Yiddish, Russian, and Ukrainian. For the Jewish population, the main language was Yiddish, and Russian was used in official spheres. Ukrainian was part of the cultural background and was heard around, but was not dominant in the Jewish environment. Little Haim heard Ukrainian speech from childhood, observed the traditions and life of his Ukrainian neighbors.

There is no evidence in academic sources that Haim Hazaz was fluent in Ukrainian or wrote in it. All of Hazaz’s main works were written in Hebrew, which was part of his cultural mission – to revive national literature in the holy language.

In his letters and memoirs, there are no fragments in Ukrainian, except for rare everyday expressions or individual words. Some Ukrainian words or character names may appear in his texts as background details. It can be stated that Hazaz knew well the realities and traditions of the Ukrainian village, as he grew up in this environment. Understanding Ukrainian speech was natural for him, considering his living conditions.

With the onset of revolutionary events and a wave of violence in 1917–1918, Hazaz was forced to leave his native village. He moved to Kyiv, where he tried to continue his studies and start an independent life, but the capital was engulfed in political chaos, a change of authorities and dangers for the Jewish population.

It is known that in Kyiv he worked as a teacher (most likely in a Jewish religious school or privately), and also did odd jobs related to teaching and translations. In Hazaz’s memoirs, it is mentioned that in the years of chaos he had to temporarily engage in various jobs, including helping Jewish intellectuals and the elderly who were left without means of subsistence.

What was happening in Kyiv at that time:

  • February – November 1917: Power belonged to the Provisional Government of Russia and gradually to the Central Rada (Ukrainian national government).
  • January 1918: Capture of Kyiv by the Bolsheviks (Red Army), then the city was taken by the UNR troops and German-Austrian units (April 1918).
  • End of 1918 – early 1919: Hetmanate of Skoropadskyi (with the support of the Germans), then power passed to the Directorate of the UNR.
  • February – August 1919: The Bolsheviks returned to Kyiv, then replaced by the UNR troops.
  • August 1919: The Volunteer Army (White Army of Denikin) entered Kyiv. It was during this period that some of the largest pogroms were recorded, committed by White units and their accompanying detachments.
  • End of 1919 – 1920: The Bolsheviks captured the city, but several times power passed to Polish and Ukrainian troops, then again to the Bolsheviks.

After a series of Jewish pogroms that swept Kyiv and its surroundings in 1919 (Bolsheviks – White Army of Denikin), Hazaz found himself among thousands of refugees wandering between cities in search of safety.

For the next several years he lived and worked in Kharkiv — then a major industrial and cultural center of eastern Ukraine, and also in Crimea. In parallel, Hazaz continued self-education, attended cultural circles and libraries, read a lot, and tried his hand at literature.

In early 1921, when the wave of repression and famine intensified, Haim Hazaz finally decided to leave Ukraine.

Through the Black Sea coast — Sevastopol — he emigrated first to Turkey, then to France, and later to “Palestine”. Thus, before emigration, his entire life and formation took place on the territory of Ukraine: in Sydorovychi, Kyiv, Kharkiv, Crimea and other places that remained forever in his memory and prose.

Modernity: in the Ukrainian village where the father of Yitzhak Rabin and writer Haim Hazaz was born, Putin’s soldiers looted the Israeli flag from the library, presented to the village by the state of Israel

In the spring of 2022, the small Ukrainian village of Sydorovychi, the homeland of Haim Hazaz and also of the father of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, found itself at the center of tragic events. The village was on the path of the invaders on their way to Kyiv – the capital of Ukraine. After passing through the Chernobyl zone, Russian soldiers entered Sydorovychi on February 25. 35 days of brutal occupation began.

In the houses of residents, windows and doors were broken, soldiers took away household appliances, food and everything of any value. Many villagers lived for weeks without electricity or water, hid from shelling and tried to protect their families and neighbors.

The memorial plaque in honor of the Rabin family was moved by local residents to the library, which became a shelter for the only commemorative sign symbolizing the international ties of this village.

A characteristic moment: Russian soldiers, before retreating from the village, stole not only washing machines from the homes of peaceful residents.

Putin’s soldiers stole the Israeli flag from the library, presented to the village during the opening of the memorial plaque.

When the story of the village of Sydorovychi became known to Israeli Ambassador to Ukraine Michael Brodsky, his reaction was immediate. At the ambassador’s request, the flag of Israel was delivered to the village – to replace the flag stolen by Russian occupiers; medicine was also delivered.

In the liberated Ukrainian village, which gave Israel such outstanding figures, there is once again an Israeli flag.

Russian Pogroms in Ukraine: The Tragedy of the Jewish People

The beginning of the 20th century was marked for the Jews of Ukraine by an unprecedented catastrophe. During the Civil War (1918–1921), there were more than 1,000 Jewish pogroms in Ukraine alone.

Modern research and archives (Encyclopaedia Judaica, Yad Vashem, Henry Abramson, Geoffrey Hosking) emphasize:

“the most massive and brutal pogroms were committed by armies and authorities coming from Russia — primarily Denikin’s White Army, units of the Red Army, and various Russian military administrations.”

The period of August–October 1919 was especially tragic for Kyiv, when the real power in the city was held by the Volunteer Army (White Army) of General Denikin and the Russian military administration. It was at this time that dozens of cases of robbery, eviction, and mass murder of the Jewish population under the control of the Russian authorities were recorded.

Haim Hazaz was a direct witness and victim of this tragedy. In Kyiv, as he later recalled in Paris, he faced a direct order from the Russian authorities to evict an elderly Jewish scholar and destroy his library—and refused to carry it out, realizing that behind this stood a policy of terror and humiliation brought by the Russian military forces. After this, Hazaz was forced to flee south.

Haim Hazaz’s Literary Activity: Ukrainian Motifs, Heritage, Influence

The name Haim Hazaz is an integral part of the history of Hebrew literature and the cultural heritage of Israel. His creative path is closely connected with the fate of Ukrainian Jewry and the era of catastrophic change on this land.

The Ukrainian Theme in Hazaz’s Prose

Most of Hazaz’s early works are inspired by his personal experience of life in Ukraine, memories of the shtetl, the tragedy of pogroms and revolutions, and the history of the Jewish people on Ukrainian soil:

  • “In a Forest Settlement” (Beyishuv shel ya’ar, ביישוב של יער, Paris, 1930)
    An autobiographical novel describing the life of a Jewish family of timber traders in the Ukrainian Polissya on the eve of the 1905 revolution. At its heart are the drama of the shtetl, generational conflicts, coexistence with Ukrainian peasants, and the gradual disappearance of the old world.
  • “Of This and That” (Mi-ze u-mi-ze, מזה ומזה, 1924)
    A novella in which, through the fates of the characters, the collapse of the familiar order of the town, the anxieties of revolutionary Ukraine, the fear of violence, and uncertainty about the future are depicted. The atmosphere of anxiety and anticipation of disaster is keenly felt.
  • “Sketches of Revolution” (Pirkei Mahapeha, פרקי מהפכה, 1924)
    A cycle of stories about revolutionary events in the former Russian Empire, mainly in Ukrainian cities, villages, and towns. The focus is on the fates of ordinary Jews caught between the millstones of history, forced to choose between tradition, revolution, fear, and hope.
  • “Shmuel Frankfurter” (Shmuel Frankfurter, שמואל פרנקפורטר, 1925)
    A story about the tragedy of the shtetl against the backdrop of the civil war and pogroms in Ukraine. The hero is a noble idealist who perishes during mass repressions and anarchy. The crisis of Jewish self-identification in a devastated Ukraine is vividly portrayed.
  • A number of short stories and miniatures from the late 1920s to early 1930s
    Thematically, they cover images of the Ukrainian town, childhood, fear of pogroms, street life, encounters with Ukrainians, memories of family holidays and tragedies. Examples are the stories “Legend,” “Letter to the Village,” “Farewell.”
  • Separate chapters of major works
    Even in later novels (“Yaish,” “The Sermon”), there are recollections of Ukrainian towns, images of refugees, reflections on the lost home, native language, and the past.

Style, Mission, Historical Significance

In Hazaz’s Ukrainian works, the main theme is the collapse of the old world, the pain of loss, and the search for new meaning. Through the fates of ordinary people, he shows the scale of the national catastrophe—and at the same time seeks sources of inner strength for rebirth.

His language is precise, rich in folk expressions, with detailed descriptions of the landscape, everyday life, festive and mourning rituals. Hazaz showed how Jewish-Ukrainian life was inseparable from the very history of Ukraine and why the memory of this is necessary for future generations.

Hazaz’s literary heritage is a mirror of the tragedy and heroism of the Jewish people of Ukraine, their eternal yearning for light even in times of darkness and hardship.

Thanks to Hazaz, the themes of the tragedy of Ukrainian Jews, life on the border of cultures, and the search for national and personal meaning have taken a key place in the Israeli literary canon.

Other Works and Contribution to Literature

  • “The Sermon” (Ha-Drasha, 1942) – an inner monologue about Zionism, Jewish fate, and identity. From here comes the famous quote about the transformation of Jewry in the Diaspora.
  • “Yaish” (Yaish, 1952–1956) – a novel about the life of Yemeni Jews in Eretz Israel, but with numerous references to the past of Eastern Europe, the experience of Ukrainian towns, and the crisis of tradition.
  • “Thou That Dwellest in the Gardens” (Thou That Dwellest in the Gardens, 1960) – a novel about spiritual quests, crisis of faith, the clash of past and future.

Life, Family and the Path of Haim Hazaz in Israel

In the spring of 1931, Haim Hazaz immigrated to “British Palestine” and settled in Jerusalem. For the first sixteen years of life in the new city, he often changed neighborhoods, getting to know different Jewish communities, especially Yemeni immigrants among whom he lived and interacted. This experience had a profound influence on his worldview and creativity.

In Turkey, where Hazaz found himself en route to Palestine, he spent almost two years teaching Hebrew to young Zionist Jews and actively participated in educational and outreach programs.

In Paris, where he moved in 1923, Hazaz became famous as a Jewish writer, published his first major works, and joined the Jewish literary circle. There he had a union with the poetess Yocheved Bat-Miriam; their son Naum was born in Paris in 1928. The couple broke up in 1929, when Bat-Miriam moved to Palestine.

In 1951, Hazaz married Aviva Kushnir (née Ginzburg-Peleg, 1927–2019)—an intellectual, companion, and faithful assistant to whom he bequeathed all his unpublished manuscripts. She became his right hand in creative and public work.

In Jerusalem, Hazaz devoted himself to literature, became one of the main authors of the “Am Oved” publishing house—his collected works, published in 1942 (“Rekhaim Shvurim”), became one of the first landmark publications of the new publishing house. Later, most of his books were also published there. In 1970, a complete 12-volume collection of Hazaz’s works was published.

Hazaz mastered all styles of Hebrew—from biblical and Talmudic to medieval and modern—which made his prose complex, rich, and profound. In the 1950s–60s, he was called Israel’s leading Jewish writer, even a rival to Nobel laureate Shmuel Agnon.

Haim Hazaz died on March 24, 1973, in Jerusalem of a heart attack. He was buried in the old cemetery on the Mount of Olives—next to the greatest figures in Israeli history.

Memory and Recognition: How Hazaz is Honored Today

In his native Sydorovychi, a memorial plaque in honor of another famous native—Nehemiah Rabichev (the father of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin)—appeared in 2010, and Hazaz’s name was included in the list of prominent Jews of this region.

Haim Hazaz is not just a classic of Hebrew literature; he has become a symbol of national recognition and cultural continuity.

  • In 1953, he became the first-ever laureate of the Israel Prize for Literature, established by the state to honor outstanding cultural figures. This event became a symbol of the new nation’s admiration over the past of the Jews of the Diaspora.
  • Previously, he had already received the Bialik Prize—the first in 1942, the second in 1970. This award was given for his contribution to the development of progressive Jewish literature and culture.
  • His achievements in literature and cultural identity made him an authority not only in Israel, but also in the Jewish diaspora.

Thanks to these awards, Hazaz received the status of a national literary symbol and continues to inspire generations of readers, writers, and scholars to dialogue with the past and search for cultural roots.

Haim Hazaz in the Cultural and Literary Memory of Israel

In Israel itself, the memory of Haim Hazaz is alive and institutionalized at the state and public levels. His name is invariably included in the list of classics of Hebrew literature.

This is how Hazaz is honored in Israel:

  • Haim Hazaz Prize: In Jerusalem, there is a special fund and literary prize named after Haim Hazaz, established by the city municipality. It is awarded annually to outstanding writers and researchers who have contributed to the development of Hebrew and Israeli literature. This award is a symbol of generational continuity.
  • Haim Hazaz Archive: In Jerusalem, at the Givat Ram Institute, there is a public archive named after Hazaz, where his manuscripts, letters, drafts, and personal belongings are collected. This place is one of the research centers for studying the history and literature of Israel.
  • Editions and reissues: His works are regularly republished by the largest Israeli publishers and are included in school and university programs. In 2008, for the 110th anniversary of Hazaz’s birth, a complete collection of his works was published, and leading Israeli newspapers devoted special issues to this event.
  • Streets and objects: In cities of Israel, including Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, there are streets and squares named after Haim Hazaz (for example, רחוב חיים הזז—Haim Hazaz Street in Jerusalem).
  • Commemorative evenings and exhibitions: Major museums and cultural centers of the country—the Jewish National and University Library Archive, the Diaspora Museum, municipal libraries—regularly hold memorial evenings, literary readings, and exhibitions dedicated to the life and work of Hazaz.
  • School heritage: His texts are included in the list of mandatory literature for study in Israeli schools, and Hazaz’s image is presented as an example of a “man of the era,” combining the traditions of Eastern Europe with the values of modern Israel.
  • Literary conferences: Scientific conferences devoted to Hebrew literature include special sections on Hazaz’s work. His texts are analyzed not only by philologists, but also by historians, cultural scholars, and researchers of Jewish identity.

Today in Israel, the name Haim Hazaz is not just part of the literary canon, but also a cultural brand, a symbol of generational connection and a living bridge between the past and present of the Jewish people.

Dialogue of Peoples: The Lesson of Haim Hazaz for Modernity

Today in Israel, according to the Ukrainian embassy, more than 500,000 immigrants from Ukraine and their descendants live there—this is the second largest group of repatriates. Their contribution to Israeli science, economy, culture, and literature is colossal. The story of Hazaz is proof that true Jewish identity is born not in rupture, but in the dialogue of cultures.

The website NAnews — News of Israel continues to tell the stories of Ukrainian Jews who built a new life in the Land of Israel.

Conclusions: Why Hazaz’s Fate is Not Only a Personal Story

  • Haim Hazaz is a symbol of a generation that experienced Russian pogroms and built Israel.
  • His path from a Ukrainian village to the first Israeli literary prize is an example of the strength of Jewish identity.
  • Only an honest conversation about the past—about the role of Russian armies and authorities in the catastrophe—makes the dialogue between Ukraine and Israel real.
  • The memory of him is part of the common cultural code for the Jews of Israel and Ukraine.

The section Jews from Ukraine on the NAnews website tells about outstanding Jews whose roots are connected with Ukraine, but whose life and contribution have become an important part of the history of Israel and the world.

It publishes essays, biographies, and stories of well-known and little-known personalities—from writers and scientists to modern heroes—to show how Jewish and Ukrainian destinies intertwine and form a cultural bridge between the two countries.

#jewsfromukraine


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A year without Max Nelipa: family in Israel, daughter with an order from Zelensky, and pain that documents do not cover

May 12, 2026 marked a year since the death of Max Nelipa — a Ukrainian TV host, actor, and serviceman who voluntarily went to defend Ukraine after the start of the full-scale war. To viewers, he was a man from the screen, a recognizable voice and face of Ukrainian television. To his family, he was a father, son, brother, ex-husband, a person whose absence is now felt in every daily movement.

This story is especially close to the Israeli audience. Details were shared by Ukrainian OBOZ.UA on May 12, 2026.

Nelipa’s ex-wife, Toma, lives in Israel with their children. Son Artem serves in the Israeli army. Daughter Maria studies, grows up, works after school, and tries to move on, although the topic of her father returns in the most ordinary moments — in movies, conversations, memories, family details.

Life after loss: Ukraine remains in the heart, Israel has become a new reality

Toma Nelipa speaks about life in Israel without beautiful generalizations.

There is also war here, anxiety, high prices, a challenging rhythm, and the need to start almost from scratch. She is learning the language because in Israel it is not just a matter of comfort, but a matter of choice: work, communication, future.

Before the big war in Ukraine, Toma worked in the field of perfumery and cosmetics, dealing with brands, presentations, communications. Already in Israel, after several different jobs and a period of adaptation, she returned to the field close to her — cosmetics, care, sales, consultations. It’s work with people, where you need to listen to the client, react quickly, understand the mood.

There is a bitter irony in this. Once in Ukraine, she was involved in public events, artists, presentations. Now in Israel, she sells cosmetics. But it is this daily occupation that helps her stay on her feet when the conversation with her past life is still not over inside.

A daughter who is growing up too fast

Maria is almost 16. She is in the 10th grade, works part-time as a barista, makes coffee, and is already trying herself in the modeling field. A contract with an agency appeared almost on the same days her father died. This could have stopped, broken, made her postpone everything “for later.”

But Toma then told her daughter what many parents probably say after a loss: dad would be proud.

Masha became more independent, changed, grew up. But she didn’t miss him any less. The loss doesn’t go away just because the child studies, works, smiles at photoshoots, or makes plans. It just moves inside and appears unexpectedly — in a random movie scene, in a conversation about family, in a memory that cannot be predicted in advance.

A son in the Israeli army and fear familiar to many families in Israel

Max’s son, Artem, serves in the Israeli army. He is 21 years old, and a significant part of his service is already behind him.

But for the mother, it is not a dry line in her son’s biography, but endless days of waiting for messages, anxious news, periods when he did not get in touch, and fear that physically changes a person.

Toma recalls that once an acquaintance noticed: she suddenly turned gray. Not from age. From tension.

For Israeli families, this state is too familiar. The phone is nearby. The news is on. The heart reacts to every message. And if in Ukraine the family saved the children from the war, then in Israel they found themselves again in a country where the word “safety” never sounds final.

Artem has about six months of service left. This stage is more related to training: computers, programming, special preparation. But even in such periods, calmness in Israel is always conditional. Here they know too well how quickly silence can turn into anxiety.

Netanya, an old district, and a sunflower in the yard

The family lives in Netanya.

Compared to Tel Aviv or Jerusalem, the city may seem calmer, but this calmness is not absolute. There is no shelter nearby, only the synagogue basement where they can go during an alarm. Usually, they stay at home.

The area is simple, old, with inexpensive rent by Israeli standards. Somewhere nearby, chickens, roosters, sometimes goats walk. This is not the picture of Israel shown in tourist videos, but it is from such details that the real life of emigration consists.

In Toma’s yard, a sunflower grows. It is already over two meters tall. For her, it is not just a plant, but a small sign of Ukraine next to the palms. A home that is physically far away but emotionally has not disappeared.

An order from Zelensky, Kyiv, and bureaucracy after the death of a defender

Last fall, Toma and Masha visited Kyiv. Max’s daughter received a posthumous order of her father — the Order of Merit III degree — from the hands of the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky. For Maria, this trip was not a formality, but an opportunity to touch what is connected with her dad.

In the hall were military personnel, families of the deceased, people of culture. Some received awards personally, some — for their loved ones. The atmosphere was heavy but dignified. Such ceremonies do not remove the pain, but they give the feeling that a person’s name did not disappear along with the news of their death.

Toma hopes that when Artem completes his service in Israel, he will come to Kyiv — to his grandmother, to his father’s grave — and bring this award himself. There is an internal correctness in this: a son who served in the Israeli army comes to a father who died defending Ukraine.

NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency sees in this story not only the personal tragedy of a famous Ukrainian family. Here, Ukraine, Israel, war, emigration, children’s service, memory of the deceased, and the thin connection between countries that runs through the destinies of specific people intertwine.

Kyiv, cemetery, and Max’s belongings

The trip to Kyiv became a return for Toma to a space where everything is familiar and at the same time already different. She met Max’s mother, went to the cemetery, walked along Khreshchatyk, ate Kyiv perepichka, missed the usual city details that suddenly become almost symbols in emigration.

In the apartment, she sorted through Max’s belongings. Among them was a special black-and-white photograph taken many years ago on a fishing trip. Such items are the hardest to touch. They are no longer just things, but evidence of a time that will no longer be.

Toma admits: even years after the divorce, she cannot completely let go of Max. They parted ways long ago, but their shared life, children, memories, and his death made this connection different. Not familial in the former sense, but very deep.

Max’s brother: after grief begins the system of documents

Max’s brother, Andrey Nelipa, speaks about the side of loss that is usually not visible in the news. People read about the death, express condolences, see ceremonies. But for the family, something else begins: papers, checks, approvals, applications, status and payment processing.

According to him, many believe that the families of fallen defenders automatically receive the assistance provided by the state. In practice, everything is much more complicated. The procedure can be delayed, require many documents, and go through several levels of the system.

This does not negate respect for the military, ritual services, or individual people who help. The problem is deeper — in the bureaucratic structure itself, which often turns out to be too burdensome for families already living in grief.

Max’s mother lost her husband in 2020, and now her younger son. She is 76, has had heart attacks, and her relatives understand how much this loss hits not only the soul but also health. But she holds on. Like many Ukrainian mothers, for whom the war has become a personal family catastrophe.

Max is remembered by friends, comrades, colleagues, viewers. On the anniversary day, relatives plan to visit the grave, and those who knew him personally or just want to pay tribute may come. The monument is still in progress, but the grave is well-kept.

The main thing in this story is not a loud name. The main thing is that behind every fallen defender stands a family that continues to live after the most terrible call. Living in Israel and Ukraine. Learning the language, going to work, serving in the army, going to school, receiving orders, processing documents, buying flowers at the cemetery, and every day understanding anew that the person is no longer there.

Max Nelipa would have turned only 50.


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Ukraine calls Mark Golenkov: can Israeli football lose a future national team goalkeeper

The call-up to the Ukraine U-19 national team has once again raised a big question

Israeli football may lose one of the most prominent young goalkeepers of recent years. Mark Golenkov, the goalkeeper of the youth team “Maccabi Haifa”, received a call-up to the Ukraine U-19 national team ahead of the upcoming tournament. For the player himself, this is an important sporting step, and for the Israeli football system, it is a worrying signal: a talent that grew and developed in Israel may choose the Ukrainian path at the international level.

Golenkov has long been considered one of the strong projects of the “Maccabi Haifa” academy.

But he truly made headlines after the match against “Barcelona” in the UEFA Youth League. He became the hero of the penalty shootout, saving three shots and helping the “greens” advance further. Israeli sports media wrote about him as a 17-year-old Ukrainian-Israeli goalkeeper who came to the country after the start of the war in Ukraine and quickly reached a high youth level.

At first glance, it seems to be just a youth call-up. But in football, such decisions often become the first step towards a future choice. A player can live, train, and grow in one country for a long time but remain emotionally, family-wise, and biographically connected to another. In Golenkov’s case, this connection with Ukraine is not formal but very personal.

From Kyiv and the war — to Haifa and a big football opportunity

Mark Golenkov was born and raised in Ukraine and played football in the Kyiv “Dynamo” system as a child. After the start of the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022, his family was forced to leave the country. Thus, Golenkov ended up in Israel, where he first continued his path through “Hapoel Be’er Sheva” and then moved to “Maccabi Haifa”.

This route is important not only as a sports biography. It shows the fate of an entire generation of Ukrainian children and teenagers whose lives were abruptly changed by the war. Some lost their homes, others their usual school, team, city, environment. Golenkov was among those who managed not to stop and transfer his football path to a new country.

In Haifa, he was quickly noticed. “Maccabi” saw in him not just a promising goalkeeper for the youth team but a player with the potential for a European level. According to Israeli sports publications, in December 2024, he signed a three-year contract with the club, which in itself speaks of trust from the system.

For Israel, such stories are especially important. The country has been accepting people from Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, and other former USSR countries for many years. But when a young athlete not only adapts but becomes one of the best in his age group, it is not just a personal victory. It is a question for the entire football infrastructure: can Israel not only develop talents but also retain them?

Why the match with “Barcelona” changed perceptions

Before the game with “Barcelona”, Golenkov was a promising goalkeeper within the “Maccabi Haifa” system. After it, he became a name that began to be discussed more widely. Three saved penalties in a match of this level are not just beautiful statistics. For a young goalkeeper, it is a rare moment when character, reaction, and psychological resilience become visible to everyone at once.

Goalkeepers mature differently than outfield players. They often need more time, more trust, and more high-pressure matches. But it is precisely such penalty shootouts that show whether a player can withstand the moment when the entire team depends on one move.

For “Maccabi Haifa”, it was a signal: the club has a goalkeeper who can be developed not only for the local youth league but also for a more serious career. For Ukraine, it was also a signal: the country has a young goalkeeper who grew up in the Ukrainian football school but received a new impulse already in Israel.

That is why the call-up to the Ukraine U-19 national team seems logical. Ukraine closely monitors its young players abroad, especially now, when the war has scattered thousands of families and athletes across different countries.

Personal tragedy and the choice between two football paths

Golenkov’s story became even heavier after the death of his brother Vladislav in the war in Ukraine. In April 2026, “Maccabi Haifa” announced that Vladislav Golenkov, Mark’s brother, died in battles against the Russian army. The club expressed condolences to the family and emphasized that it stands by the young goalkeeper in this difficult moment.

This detail changes the perception of the entire story. The call-up to the Ukraine national team for Golenkov is not only a sporting opportunity. It can also be a connection to home, memory, family, a country that continues to fight. For a young player, such a choice is rarely a cold calculation.

In Israel, they also understand the value of such stories. Here, it is well known that sports are often linked with war, mobilization, losses, and personal pain. Therefore, the question “who will he choose?” should not sound like a simple struggle of federations for a passport and application.

For the Israeli audience, there is a deeper layer here. Golenkov has become part of Israeli football, lives in the Israeli environment, trains in one of the strongest clubs in the country, and is already associated with the future of “Maccabi Haifa”. But his Ukrainian biography has not disappeared. On the contrary, after his brother’s death, it became even more personal and heavy.

In this sense, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views Golenkov’s story not only as a sports news. It is an example of how the war in Ukraine continues to affect Israel through the fates of specific people: athletes, families, teenagers who are building their lives anew but do not lose connection with the country they left.

What the Israeli football system should do

If Israel truly sees Golenkov as a future national-level goalkeeper, action is needed not when he is already established in the Ukrainian system, but now. Not through pressure, but through a clear sports path: attention from national team coaches, respectful dialogue, growth prospects, and the feeling that he is not just being used here, but a future is truly being built around him.

But Ukraine has the strongest argument in this story — origin, memory, emotional connection, and national identity. Especially after everything that happened to his family.

Therefore, the future of Mark Golenkov cannot yet be reduced to a simple formula: Israel versus Ukraine. It is much more accurate to say otherwise: he is a young goalkeeper between two football worlds, and both worlds have already become part of his life.

For “Maccabi Haifa”, he remains a promising asset. For Israel, a potential goalkeeper of the future. For Ukraine, his own player who went through war, emigration, and personal tragedy but did not lose his path in football.

And the main question now is not only: for which national team will he play next? The question is broader: who will be able to give him not just a jersey, but a sense of a true football home.


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Kyiv, 92 years and a chuppah: a Jewish wedding during the war became a symbol of life

A mass Jewish wedding took place in Kyiv, becoming one of the most unusual and touching events of recent months for the local community. The ceremony was held at the Jewish community center “Beit Menachem” JCC Kyiv against the backdrop of a three-day relative lull from May 9–11, 2026, when a ceasefire was in effect between Russia and Ukraine.

The war has changed the life of all Ukraine — and the country’s Jewish community is going through this ordeal together with the entire Ukrainian people. Under shelling, missiles, and drones, people defend their cities, help the army, volunteer, support the elderly, evacuees, the wounded, and families whose usual lives have been destroyed by the war.

Jews of Ukraine today do not stand aside from the common struggle against the occupiers. Some serve on the front lines, others collect aid, work in community centers, support those who have been left without a home, medicine, or loved ones. This is not a separate story of a “community within a country,” but part of a unified Ukrainian reality where different people hold one country together.

And yet Ukraine continues to live. Even in Kyiv, where the war has long ceased to be news and has become a heavy backdrop of every day, people find strength for celebrations, traditions, and the future. That is why the mass Jewish wedding at JCC Kyiv resonated so strongly: several couples, including 92-year-old newlyweds, stood under the chuppah, and this moment became not just a family event but a sign that life does not give up.

Photo from May 11, 2026, was posted by Israeli Israel Hayom.

Several Jewish couples got married in Kyiv

For Ukraine, which has been living in conditions of full-scale war for more than four years, such a wedding became not just a family celebration. It was a rare moment when anxiety, sirens, and the anticipation of new strikes gave way to the chuppah, blessings, relatives, children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren.

Different couples stood under the chuppah that evening. Among them were young people just starting their life together, middle-aged couples, and a particularly symbolic 92-year-old couple. It was their participation that made the story noticeable far beyond the Kyiv Jewish community.

According to media reports, some of the couples had lived together for many years but only now decided to formalize their marriage according to Jewish tradition — “k’dat Moshe v’Yisrael,” that is, according to the law of Moses and Israel. In peacetime, such a step might look like a personal family decision. In wartime Kyiv, it sounded different: as a choice to continue life despite the destruction around.

Chuppah in wartime Kyiv: Jewish wedding where a 92-year-old couple stood under the canopy - Israel news
Chuppah in wartime Kyiv: Jewish wedding where a 92-year-old couple stood under the canopy – Israel news

When and where it happened

The event took place in Kyiv, at the Jewish community center “Beit Menachem” JCC Kyiv. According to publications by Chabad info, Israel Hayom, and other outlets, the material was published on May 10–11, 2026, and the ceremony itself took place against the backdrop of a three-day truce from May 9–11, 2026. The Jerusalem Post specifically noted that the mass wedding took place “over the weekend,” during this brief period of relative calm.

Why this wedding became more than a private event

In ordinary life, a wedding is a family joy. In a wartime reality, it also becomes a statement: the community exists, tradition is not interrupted, Jewish life in Kyiv continues.

That is why the Kyiv ceremony attracted the attention of local and Israeli media. In the photos from JCC Kyiv, which spread across publications, not only the grooms and brides are visible, but also several generations alongside them. Children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren, relatives, and guests gathered around the chuppah as a living line of memory.

The image of the 92-year-old couple became especially powerful. At this age, people usually sum up the life they have lived, not start a new official family stage. But that is precisely why their chuppah received such an emotional response: it showed that Jewish tradition is not limited by youth, age, or the usual scenario.

Words of the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv

The Chief Rabbi of Kyiv, Yonatan Markovich, called this moment rare and strong. According to him, seeing a couple at 92 years old enter under the chuppah is not an everyday event. He emphasized that in conditions of war and uncertainty, people still choose to continue the chain of generations, preserve tradition, and build a Jewish home.

This phrase is important not only as a beautiful quote. It contains the key to understanding the whole story: it is not about a “romantic news,” but about the strength of a community that does not give up on the future even when the present remains unstable.

Why this story is important for Israel

For the Israeli audience, the Kyiv wedding reads especially closely. Israel well understands what it means to live between military threat and ordinary life: when the front, rockets, alarms may be nearby, but people still marry, have children, open schools, gather for celebrations, and hold on to tradition.

Ukrainian Jews in this story are not an abstract diaspora “somewhere far away.” They are part of the large Jewish world, connected with Israel by history, families, repatriation, community memory, and a common concern for the future.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such stories precisely in this context: Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish people experience different wars and different threats, but at the center again is the same question — how to preserve life, dignity, and continuity when there is too much uncertainty around.

Kyiv chuppah as a response to war

The mass wedding in Kyiv does not cancel the harsh reality of war. It does not make the threats smaller and does not turn the truce into a lasting peace. But it shows what is often lost in news feeds: people do not want to be just statistics of shelling, refugees, and destruction.

They want to be grooms and brides. Grandmothers and grandfathers. Parents standing next to their children. Great-grandchildren who see that tradition is not a museum piece but a living part of the family.

That is why the story of the 92-year-old couple quickly became a symbol. Not because age itself is a sensation, but because under the chuppah in Kyiv, several meanings converged at once: memory, faith, the stubbornness of life, Jewish continuity, and the Ukrainian reality of war.

Main conclusion

The wedding at JCC Kyiv became a rare event where the personal and historical coincided in one frame. Several Jewish couples, including 92-year-old newlyweds, stood under the chuppah in a city that lives between anxieties and hope.

For Kyiv, it was a community celebration. For the Jewish world, a reminder of the strength of tradition. For Israel, another sign that the connection with Jewish life in Ukraine remains alive, emotional, and important.


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Europe and the Shadows of Hate: Why Anti-Semitism is Returning and What Russia and Hamas Have to Do with It

War is once again changing the face of Europe — and not just on the fronts. Where slogans of tolerance and human rights once echoed, the whisper of old hatred is growing louder. Anti-Semitism — the ancient virus of the continent — is awakening again, rising from the underground layers of history to the streets of Berlin, Paris, and Brussels.

Mass rallies, synagogue arson, attacks on Jews — these are no longer frames from the archives of the 1930s, but the chronicle of European news in 2025.

But the reasons for what is happening are far more complex than just a political dispute over Israel’s war with Hamas. It is a reflection of a global shift — how Russia, Iran, and their ideological partners use anti-Israeli and anti-Western rhetoric to ignite Europe from within.

When Anti-Semitism Became “Fashionable” Again

In recent months, the level of anti-Semitic incidents in Europe has increased manifold.

In France — attacks on Jewish schools and cemeteries.
In Germany — threats against rabbis and Israeli students.
In the UK, police record a rise in hate crimes of more than 500%.

But the danger is not only in the numbers.

It is about a new form of old evil — anti-Semitism under the guise of political activism.

Today, hatred is often disguised as “fighting imperialism” or “solidarity with the oppressed.”
Yesterday it was called fascism, today — “anti-colonialism.”
The essence has not changed.

Many experts note: anti-Semitism today is not always expressed in insults.

It can hide behind slogans, behind “the fight for Palestine’s freedom,” behind artificial narratives that are implanted through social networks and propaganda.

This is where the main danger of the new wave lies.

Russia and Hamas — Different Fronts of One Ideology

Europe and the Shadows of Hatred: Why Anti-Semitism is Returning and What Russia and Hamas Have to Do With It
Europe and the Shadows of Hatred: Why Anti-Semitism is Returning and What Russia and Hamas Have to Do With It

In the Ukrainian context, the comparison of Russia and Hamas sounds particularly accurate.

Both structures operate on the same principle: terror as an argument.

Putin’s army destroys Ukrainian cities under the slogan of “liberation,” just as Hamas kills Israeli civilians, hiding behind “the fight for justice.”

This parallel is no accident.

Russia systematically builds ideological and informational ties with anti-Western forces in the Middle East.

Moscow justifies Hamas terror as a “reaction to Israeli aggression,” while in turn, it calls Russia’s war against Ukraine a “fight against Nazism.”

In fact, it is a common language of authoritarian regimes and extremist movements: everything is allowed if it can be called “resistance”.

Anti-Semitism as a Kremlin Tool

The Kremlin did not invent hatred — it learned to monetize it.

For years, Russian media structures have created pseudo-analysis where Israel and “Jewish influence” were presented as the cause of global injustice.

The same logic is used against Ukraine: “Western puppets,” “NATO accomplices,” “victims of Jewish capital.”

In essence, this is not just anti-Semitism, but a geopolitical technology.

It works on emotions, on fears, on the feeling of a “stolen identity.”

Radical Islamist propagandists operate in the same way, recruiting followers under the slogan of fighting “colonizers.”

These two streams — Russian imperialism and Middle Eastern fanaticism — merge into one: hatred of the West, Jews, and democracy.

Europe, Losing Its Immunity

Many European societies were not ready for this new form of old contagion.

After decades of peace and prosperity, control over the language of hatred has weakened.

Freedom of speech often becomes a cover for destructive narratives.

Social networks are filled with “anti-imperialist” blogs where Israel is called an “occupier” and Russia a “fighter against the West.”

Hundreds of such pages operate on the same servers, often funded from Moscow or Tehran.

Thus, anti-Semitism re-enters the mainstream — not through slogans of “beat the Jews,” but through words of “support Palestine.”

This makes it especially dangerous: a person can be a victim of propaganda without realizing that they are repeating the language of those who justify terror.

The Palestinian Narrative as a Mirror of Russian Aggression

When Hamas justifies attacks on Israel with slogans of “fighting occupation,” it is easy to recognize the Kremlin’s lexicon in these phrases: “denazification,” “liberation,” “historical territories.”

In both cases, violence is justified by a “higher goal.”

Authoritarian propagandists have learned to use the words “freedom” and “justice” as a smokescreen.

Russia justifies the killing of Ukrainians in the same way Hamas does Israelis.

The difference is only in scale: the methods are the same, the audiences different.

This is increasingly discussed in both Israel and Ukraine: terror, wherever it occurs, is always fueled by impunity.

The Ideology of Hatred and Western Fatigue

Modern Europe is tired of war.

But fatigue is the perfect ground for manipulation.

When people stop distinguishing shades, the slogan “for peace” can turn into a justification for terror.

In European universities, rallies “in support of Palestine” are held, where calls are made to “cleanse the land of Zionism.”

There is nothing humanitarian in these phrases — it is the language of hatred, only in a new wrapper.

Thus, anti-Semitism becomes acceptable again — if it is hidden under the guise of “justice.”

Ukraine, Israel, and the Moral Connection

Ukraine and Israel find themselves on the same side of reality, where terror is an ideology, and truth requires strength.

For Kyiv, it is obvious: when the West does not react to some manifestations of terror, it provokes others.

Unacknowledged evil grows faster than acknowledged.

Ukraine supports Israel in its fight against Hamas for a reason.

Both countries are targets of propaganda attacks, disinformation, and international pressure.

For both, the word “self-defense” has become not just a legal term, but a matter of survival.

How the Kremlin Plays on Anti-Semitic Sentiments

Russia actively implants anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli narratives in Western media.

Under the guise of “alternative viewpoints,” texts about “Jewish elites,” “Zionist control,” and “world conspiracy” are spread online.

These same theses were heard in the 1930s — only now, instead of newspapers, they are circulated by anonymous Telegram channels.

Often, anti-Semitism becomes a “byproduct” of pro-Russian propaganda.

Those who justify the war against Ukraine often use the same rhetorical constructions as anti-Semites: the search for an enemy, conspiracy theories, the cult of a “humiliated power.”

Why It Matters Now

Because history is knocking on Europe’s doors again.

Anti-Semitism is not just a problem for Jews. It is a litmus test of the state of society.

When hatred of Jews becomes the norm, it means the foundations of democracy are being destroyed.

Today’s cries in the squares “from the river to the sea” are not a slogan of freedom, but a warning.

And if Europe does not draw conclusions now, tomorrow this wave will engulf it itself.

What Can Stop the New Wave of Hatred

1. Strong government response.
States must qualify anti-Semitism as a threat to national security, not just as a hate crime.

2. Responsible media.
The media must stop equating the aggressor and the victim.
Terrorist organizations cannot be an “equal side of the conflict.”

3. Education and memory.
Europe cannot afford to forget where silence in the face of anti-Semitism has already led.
Every new case should be seen as an alarming signal, not as a “crowd excess.”

4. Solidarity of countries that know the price of terror.
Ukraine and Israel must remain allies — not only in politics but also in meanings.
Their experience of resisting terror is not two separate plots, but one line of defense of the civilized world.

Conclusion

Europe is once again at a crossroads.

On one side — fatigue, cynicism, false neutrality.
On the other — clarity: terror cannot be balanced, it must be stopped.

Russia and Hamas are two manifestations of one disease, which feeds on impunity and fear.

And while Europe seeks excuses for those who shoot at children, hatred continues to change flags, but not its essence.

Peace will begin where evil is no longer justified — under any slogans.

And if Europe wants to remain Europe, it will have to remember why it swore: never again.


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Fiber-optic drones for Iran: how Putin’s plan against the US reveals a new axis of threat in the Persian Gulf

The American-Iranian war could gain another dangerous layer: the Russian one. According to The Economist on May 7, 2026, the publication obtained a confidential document from Russia’s Main Intelligence Directorate, which suggests that Moscow offered Tehran thousands of fiber-optic drones and operator training for strikes against American forces in the Persian Gulf.

This is not just about delivering another batch of drones. The document described a military aid project to Iran, designed for a situation where the US might move to a ground operation against the Islamic Republic. For Israel, this story is important not only as an episode of the American-Iranian confrontation but also as a signal: Russia, Iran, and their military technologies are increasingly intertwined into a single system of pressure on the West, the Middle East, and Ukraine.

What exactly, according to The Economist, did Russia offer Iran

According to The Economist’s publication, the Russian plan provided for the transfer of 5,000 short-range drones to Iran. Separately, more long-range systems with satellite guidance were mentioned, but their quantity was not specified in the project.

The main feature of these drones is fiber-optic control. Such devices are connected to the operator not by a radio channel, but by a physical fiber-optic cable. This sharply reduces the effectiveness of electronic warfare means because conventional signal jamming almost does not work here.

In other words, it was about drones that are harder to suppress, intercept, and disorient with standard electronic warfare means. That is why such drones are especially dangerous against forces operating in confined spaces: landing ships, port infrastructure, temporary bases, columns of equipment, and forward units.

According to the publication, Putin personally offered Iran not only weapons but also training on how to use these systems against American soldiers. This already translates the story from the plane of ordinary arms export to the zone of direct military assistance to anti-American operations.

Why this is important for Israel

For the Israeli audience, there is an obvious connection here. Iran remains Israel’s main strategic adversary, and Russia increasingly acts not as a neutral player but as a country ready to strengthen those who fight against Western allies and US regional partners.

If Tehran receives technologies, experience, and training from Moscow, these solutions do not disappear after one conflict. They can be transferred to proxy structures, adapted to new theaters of war, and appear in the hands of groups that act against Israel or near its borders.

This makes the topic of fiber-optic drones not a narrow technical detail, but an element of the big picture of security in the Middle East.

Secret GRU project: islands, Kharg terminal, and attacks on landing ships

The Economist’s material states that the 10-page GRU project was prepared in the first weeks of the war when the scenario of an American ground invasion of Iran was considered. The document, according to the publication, included diagrams and a map of islands off the Iranian coast.

A special place was occupied by Kharg Island — Iran’s key oil terminal. According to the document, American forces might attempt to capture it, and the Russian side offered scenarios of counteraction.

One of the diagrams showed how operators trained by Russia could launch swarms of five to six drones from hidden positions. The targets of such attacks were named as American landing ships. This does not look like improvisation: the scheme implies operator training, understanding of the coastline, selection of launch points, and use of vulnerabilities during landing.

In the middle of this story, it is important to see not only military equipment but also political meaning. NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such plots precisely through the prism of the Iran-Russia-regional security link, because for Israel such plans mean an increase in threat not somewhere far away, but in a zone that directly affects the balance of power around the country.

Who they wanted to make drone operators

The block on recruiting operators is particularly indicative. According to The Economist, the GRU proposed looking for people among approximately 10,000 Iranian students studying at Russian universities.

The document also mentioned Tajiks and Syrian Alawites loyal to the overthrown regime of Bashar al-Assad. Such logic is understandable: Russia could use people already in its orbit, train them on its territory, and then transfer not only equipment but also a ready human resource to Iran.

This resembles not a classic state army, but a hybrid war infrastructure. Students, foreign loyalists, technical specialists, military instructors, closed training programs — all this forms a system where the line between ally, mercenary, and proxy operator becomes blurred.

New technological threat: why fiber-optic drones change the rules of the game

Ordinary FPV drones depend on radio communication. They can be jammed, intercepted, knocked off course, deprived of image or control. That is why electronic warfare has become one of the key elements of modern warfare.

A fiber-optic drone works differently. It drags a thin cable behind it, through which control and signal transmission occur. This limits range and maneuverability but provides a significant advantage: such a device is much harder to suppress with electronic means.

For close-range attacks, this can be critically dangerous. Especially if drones are launched in groups, from pre-prepared positions, at targets that are difficult to quickly move: ships, warehouses, equipment on the shore, command points, or infrastructure objects.

Ukrainian experience and Middle Eastern risk

Russia is actively studying drone warfare on the front against Ukraine. Every technological technique worked out on the Ukrainian front can then go further — to Iran, to allied regimes, to military proxies, or to the gray zones of the global arms market.

For Israel, this is an especially unpleasant scenario. Technologies that are used against Ukraine today may appear tomorrow in the hands of those who see Israel as a target. Iran has already proven that it can scale drone programs, transfer technologies to allies, and build an entire military doctrine around drones.

Therefore, The Economist’s report looks alarming not only because of a possible attack on American forces. It shows that Moscow is ready to help Iran precisely where it can cause maximum damage to the US and its partners.

What this says about Putin’s strategy

Putin’s Russia is increasingly less hiding that its interest is not stability, but the expansion of chaos. Supporting Iran at the moment of war with the US, if the described document indeed reflects Moscow’s real proposals, shows a willingness to use the Middle East as another front of pressure on the West.

This coincides with the general logic of Russian policy: in Ukraine — to destroy cities and infrastructure, in Europe — to destabilize security and politics, in the Middle East — to strengthen those who oppose the US, Israel, and the Western order.

Iran in this scheme is not an accidental partner. It has long been an enemy of Israel and Ukraine: for Israel — through the nuclear threat, missiles, and proxy groups; for Ukraine — through drones that Russia uses in strikes on civilian infrastructure. Now, according to The Economist, it may also be about the movement of technologies in the opposite direction: Russia offers Iran new means for war against Americans.

The final conclusion here is harsh but logical. If such plans existed on paper, then the military rapprochement between Moscow and Tehran has reached a level where each new technology can quickly become common. And for Israel, this means the need to view the Russian-Iranian link not as a diplomatic background, but as a direct security factor.


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“Shameful gathering of Jewish and Ukrainian nationalists”: in 1966, the first rally took place in Babyn Yar

What Happened and Why It’s a Turning Point

At the end of September 1966, Kyiv residents independently held a commemoration at Babyn Yar for the first time in a quarter of a century. September 24 — a small quiet action (about fifty people), September 29 — already hundreds. Thus began the city’s “lower” memory, returning names to the place where on September 29–30, 1941, the Nazis shot about 34,000 Jews in two days, and in total, about 100,000 people were killed in the ravine during the occupation. This was a turning point: memory initiated by citizens outpaced and forced changes in the official, impersonal version of history.

The story of the rally and its consequences was told on September 29, 2025, by the Ukrainian publication radiosvoboda (Ukr.) – there are many photos here.

Background: The Filled Ravine and the Kurenivka Disaster

1961: A Wave of Mud as “Babyn Yar’s Revenge”

The post-war years in Kyiv were marked by the systematic erasure of crime traces: the ravine was filled, a highway was laid nearby, and the old Jewish and Karaite cemeteries were destroyed for future construction.

On March 13, 1961, an earthen dam with liquid waste from a brick factory burst, and a four-meter wave of slurry hit Kurenivka. According to various estimates, 145 to 1,500 Kyiv residents died — the tragedy in popular memory was called “Babyn Yar’s Revenge.”

It was after these events that young Kyiv resident Emmanuel (Amik) Diamant first “saw” the Yar in the summer of 1961: a churned-up mess of earth and human bones. He began filming what was happening, creating unique testimonies of the state of the ravine in the early 1960s.

Personal Assembly Point: “I Am Responsible Only”

From Yevtushenko’s Line to Action

During the same period, Diamant heard a public reading by Yevgeny Yevtushenko — with the line “There are no monuments over Babyn Yar.” His response was harsh and honest:

“There was a lot of pathos… But Yevtushenko helped me understand the main thing: I am responsible only.”

This is the turning point: not waiting for someone’s permission, but returning memory through one’s own action.

How the First Outing Was Prepared

Canvas, Black Paint, and “Word of Mouth”

For the 25th anniversary of the tragedy, in the fall of 1966, Diamant decided to act. He bought white canvas and black paint, wrote a poster in Russian and Jewish languages (he barely knew Yiddish and Hebrew). The text was as direct and innocuously inevitable as possible:

“Babyn Yar. Remember the six million.”

“Shameful gathering of Jewish and Ukrainian nationalists”: the first rally at Babyn Yar took place in 1966
“Shameful gathering of Jewish and Ukrainian nationalists”: the first rally at Babyn Yar took place in 1966

Invitations began literally “in queues and trolleybuses” — from person to person, without posters and announcements.

The motivation was articulated without equivocation: “The main motive was wounded national dignity.” It was unacceptable for Jewish pain to dissolve into the impersonal formula “victims of fascism.”

September 24, 1966, 17:00 — Silence as Action

About fifty people approached the wall of the destroyed Jewish cemetery. No slogans, no demands — just presence, candles, a poster. And — the sudden appearance of two cars with film crews: Kyiv’s “Ukrkinochronika” and Moscow’s “Nauchfilm”. Some people were frightened by the cameras and dispersed; at that moment, a stranger squeezed into the small remaining group and asked short questions:

— “Did you do this?”
— “Not me.”
— “Are you afraid?”
— “I am.”

The stranger turned out to be writer Viktor Nekrasov. He simply said, “We need to talk,” and left his address and phone number. Thus, a vector for the second date appeared — for the civil anniversary on September 29.

Footage That Survived Searches

Kyiv operator Eduard Timlin managed to hide 80 meters of film (about one and a half minutes) — and kept the reel until 1991. This gesture alone was enough to understand: memory “burns” both at the level of people and facts.

The Second Rally: Word and Solidarity

“Come, Nekrasov Will Be There”

September 29, 17:00. An oral invitation formula circulated around Kyiv: “Come, Nekrasov will be there”. The writer himself “sat on the phone,” calling acquaintances — even in Moscow; a note was passed to literary critic Ivan Dziuba. Hundreds of people headed to the ravine — for the first time in 25 years after the mass shootings of 1941. Documentary filming was now in the hands of Garik Zhurabovich. The simple focus-conspiracy technique: the film was not wound to the end, pieces were hidden in pockets — “in case of arrests.”

Dziuba’s Speech and Shouts in the Crowd

Nekrasov and Dziuba appeared — naturally creating a demand for words. There were no microphones, not everyone could hear, but the meaning was very clearly fixed.

Ivan Dziuba:Silence speaks only where everything has already been said. When nothing has been said yet, silence becomes an accomplice of falsehood and unfreedom.”

In several places, people climbed onto shoulders and shouted:

Jews should not be afraid! We need to talk about anti-Semitism!

Later, writer Vladimir Voinovich would express his shock at what he saw:

I saw for the first time an absolutely spontaneous rally, not controlled by Soviet power.”

Among those present that day was Dina Pronicheva, one of the few who survived September 29, 1941; she is known to readers as a heroine of the documentary novel Anatoly Kuznetsov’s “Babyn Yar”.

“Civilians,” but No Dispersal

Police and KGB were present in civilian clothes, observing, recording, but no forceful dispersal occurred. Many in the crowd noticed informants. After an hour and a half, Diamant left with his wife and young daughter, formulating the main point:

The main thing was achieved… We learned to be a nation from a ‘rabble.’ We learned to respect our graves.”

How the System Responded and What Happened Next

Stigma, Reprimands, “Preventive Measures”

The official formula used to stigmatize participants and the fact of the rallies was verbatim: “shameful gathering of Jewish and Ukrainian nationalists”. There were strict reprimands, dismissals, “preventive” conversations, film confiscations, and names were noted. But it was too late: annual September gatherings at Babyn Yar became a tradition.

Diamant’s Emigration and “Universal” Soviet Memory

In March 1971, Diamant was given 10 days to leave — he left the USSR and moved to Israel, taking with him surviving materials, including Zhurabovich’s footage from the second rally. The late Soviet decision on memorialization did not solve the problems: in 1976, a general monument “to the victims of fascism” was erected (without emphasis on Jewish victims), and in 1980, a park was created on the site of the filled ravine.

In independent Ukraine, the memory space consists of approximately 25 disparate signs — a long road to a coherent, honest conversation about the tragedy and its recipients.

Historical Framework and Facts (Collected in One Place)

  • 29–30.09.1941 — about 34,000 Jews shot in two days; during the occupation years — about 100,000 killed in the ravine.
  • 13.03.1961 — dam burst with liquid waste; wave up to 4 m, victims 145–1,500 (various estimates); event in city memory — “Babyn Yar’s Revenge“.
  • 24.09.1966, 17:00first silent rally (~50 people); poster: “Babyn Yar. Remember the six million”; film crews “Ukrkinochronika” and “Nauchfilm”; Eduard Timlin saves 80 m of film and keeps the reel until 1991.
  • 29.09.1966, 17:00second rally (hundreds of people); invitation formula in the city — “Come, Nekrasov will be there”; speeches by Viktor Nekrasov and Ivan Dziuba; documentary filming — Garik Zhurabovich; among those present — Dina Pronicheva; later assessment by Vladimir Voinovich on the spontaneity of the rally, “not controlled by the authorities”.
  • 1971Emmanuel (Amik) Diamant emigrates to Israel, taking surviving materials.
  • 1976 / 1980 — Soviet monument without mentioning Jews; park on the site of the filled ravine.
  • Independent Ukraine≈25 memorial signs, annual September actions.

Why This Is Important — for Ukraine and Israel (Today)

This story is not only about the past but also about a way to be a society. In Kyiv in 1966, without permits and microphones, people called the tragedy by its name, and the solidarity of Jewish and Ukrainian intellectuals became the norm, not the exception. For Israelis, this is part of the diaspora bridge: figures like Diamant ultimately connect their fate with Israel, without losing ties with Kyiv-Babyn Yar. And for all of us, it’s a reminder: where memory is precise and honest, it’s harder to ignite xenophobia and rewrite history.

FAQ

Why were there two rallies — on the 24th and 29th?

Because September 29, 1941 fell on Yom Kippur, and 25 years later, the “religious” date of memory according to the Jewish calendar fell on September 24, 1966; the second was the civil date of September 29. Both gatherings were about one thing: to return the place of the Jewish tragedy to the general historical memory of Kyiv.

What exactly was done on September 24?

A poster “Babyn Yar. Remember the six million” was attached to the wall of the destroyed Jewish cemetery, and they stood silently. It was a form of statement, not a rally “format”: to show that this is our grave and to name it.

What was said on September 29?

The key thought was from Ivan Dziuba’s speech: silence, while the truth is not spoken, is an accomplice of lies and unfreedom. In the crowd, there were calls “Jews should not be afraid! We need to talk about anti-Semitism!” — this was the meaning of the second action.

How did the authorities react?

The stigma of “shameful gathering of Jewish and Ukrainian nationalists”, reprimands, dismissals, “preventive measures”, film confiscations. But the annual September gatherings were no longer stopped: a tradition was formed.

Conclusions in Four Lines (for the Busy)

  1. September 1966 launched civil memory of Babyn Yar.
  2. Accuracy of names and dates is protection against future falsification.
  3. Solidarity of Jews and Ukrainians became a reality, not a slogan.
  4. The history of Babyn Yar is a bridge Kyiv ↔ Israel, part of a shared experience of dignity.


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Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Asman reminded on May 8: evil is not eternal if opposed by Ukraine, Israel, and memory

On May 8, 2026, the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, Moshe Asman, published an address for the Day of Remembrance of the Victims and Victory in World War II. In his words, this date does not sound like a formal historical ritual, but as a living moral reference point — especially for Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish people.

It is a day of mourning and gratitude at the same time.

Mourning — because Nazi evil destroyed millions of people, broke families, cities, communities, and entire generations. For Jews, May 8 holds special significance: six million Jews were killed just for being Jewish.

Gratitude — because victory over Nazism became possible at the cost of the enormous sacrifice of the peoples of the anti-Hitler coalition.

May 8: a memory that should not become an empty date

Moshe Asman reminded that on May 8, the world saw: even very strong evil is not eternal. Nazi Germany capitulated, and the ideology that wanted to erase humanity itself was defeated.

But this victory did not come by itself.

Behind it stood armies, peoples, families, soldiers, underground fighters, prisoners, rescuers, the dead, and the survivors. Behind it stood millions of fates, many of which were never fully told.

For the Israeli audience, this emphasis is especially important. Israel lives with the memory of the Holocaust not as a distant page of the past, but as part of national consciousness, security, and responsibility to future generations.

Jewish memory and the Ukrainian context

In the address of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, an important thought was expressed: the memory of World War II cannot be separated from the real contribution of those who fought against Nazism.

Ukraine made a huge contribution to this struggle. About 7 million Ukrainians fought against Nazism, and without this sacrifice, the victory over the Third Reich would have looked different.

The contribution of the Jewish people was also significant. More than a million Jews served in the armies of the allies: in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, Poland, the Red Army, and other forces that fought against Nazi Germany.

It is fundamentally important to remind today when different forces try to privatize victory, erase Ukraine’s contribution, obscure Jewish participation, and appoint themselves as the sole ‘right holders’ of historical memory.

Victory over Nazism does not belong to one state, one regime, or one political mythology. It was paid for with the blood of many peoples.

Why Moshe Asman’s words sound especially poignant in 2026

Today, Ukraine and Israel are once again living through a difficult war. Both societies know what missile strikes, funerals, anxiety, mobilization, and the struggle for the right to live without the dictate of terror and violence mean.

That is why Moshe Asman’s words about the ‘axis of evil’ sound not like a metaphor, but as a political and spiritual assessment of the time.

Ukraine is resisting Russian aggression. Israel continues to live under the threat of terrorist structures and their patrons. Iran remains an enemy of both Ukraine and Israel because its technologies, ideology, and allies work to strengthen war, pressure, and fear.

In such a context, the memory of victory over Nazism becomes not an archival topic, but a matter of today’s resilience.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency draws attention to this very meaning: on May 8, it is important not only to remember the past but also to understand how historical memory helps society recognize evil in the present — without substitutions, without foreign propaganda, and without attempts to rewrite the contribution of Ukraine and Jews to victory.

Evil can be strong, but that does not mean it will win

One of the key phrases in Moshe Asman’s address is the thought that evil can be strong and enduring, but it will not always be so.

This is not a comforting formula for a beautiful speech. It is a conclusion from history.

Nazi Germany also seemed powerful. Its army captured countries, its propaganda instilled fear, its ideology claimed eternity. But in the end, this system was broken.

For Ukraine, this thought today sounds like a reminder of the cost of resistance. For Israel — as a reminder of the need to stand against those who once again dream of destroying Jews, states, and the freedom of other peoples.

The memory of World War II should not turn into a decoration for parades or slogans. It requires honesty.

Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish people: a common line of memory

In the words of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, there is an important bridge between the past and the present. He speaks not only of the dead but also of the living — of those who today must withstand a new historical test.

For the Jewish people, the memory of six million killed is not just a tragedy of the past. It is a warning that hatred, if not stopped in time, turns into a system of destruction.

For Ukraine, the memory of World War II is also a memory of the land that became one of the main battlefields, of cities, villages, Babi Yar, the front, occupation, resistance, and millions of people who went through the catastrophe.

Today, these meanings converge again.

Ukraine and Israel experience war differently, but both countries understand: evil rarely comes into the world with an honest name. It hides behind history, religion, ‘protection’, ‘security’, ‘tradition’, or ‘justice’. That is why memory must be precise.

Prayer for Ukraine and Israel

Moshe Asman concluded the address with words about the blessed memory of all the dead and a request to the Almighty to give Ukraine and Israel the strength to withstand and defeat the darkness in our time.

This is a strong formula for May 8, 2026.

Because it is not only about the past. It is about the right of peoples to live, remember, defend themselves, and not allow new aggressors to appropriate someone else’s sacrifice, someone else’s victory, and someone else’s history.

May the memory of the dead be blessed.

And may Ukraine and Israel find the strength to go through this time so that future generations can also say: evil was strong, but it did not become eternal.


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Officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine “Hasid” received the international IPA award: what is known about the fighter and why he was recognized

International Police Association awarded a Ukrainian Armed Forces officer

The International Police Association (IPA), uniting law enforcement officers from more than 70 countries, awarded its medal to an officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine with the call sign “Hasid”.

This was reported by the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) and the publication JewishNews on November 22, 2025.
The IPA decision emphasizes that the award was given for high professionalism, courage, and a special contribution to the defense of Ukraine.

For the Jewish community, this decision was significant: for the first time in a long time, a representative of Ukraine with Jewish heritage receives an international professional award specifically as a combat officer of the active army.

Ukrainian Armed Forces officer 'Hasid' received the international IPA award: what is known about the fighter and why he was noted
Ukrainian Armed Forces officer ‘Hasid’ received the international IPA award: what is known about the fighter and why he was noted

Who is “Hasid”: collected facts from open sources

There is little information about “Hasid” in the public domain — he consciously maintains anonymity. However, over the past years, his name (or rather, call sign) has repeatedly appeared in Ukrainian media and social networks.

Instructor and intelligence officer of the Ukrainian Armed Forces

In a report by Informator it is stated:

  • he does not show his face, his name is not disclosed — this is stated directly;

  • serves as an instructor on the front line;

  • trains infantry, mechanized units, and intelligence personnel;

  • has been working since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, often in areas of active combat.

Commanders commenting on his work noted that thousands of servicemen have gone through his training — social networks mention the figure “more than 8,000 students”.

Jewish by origin and a person of faith

All Ukrainian and Jewish sources emphasize that “Hasid” is —

  • Jewish by nationality,

  • a person of religious views,

  • motivating fighters with spiritual values and philosophy that he himself shares.

One of the meanings he quotes: “defending Ukraine is also about the light that must overcome darkness”.

The phrase “about the light that must overcome darkness” is a direct part of the Hasidic tradition, where light is always seen as a force that naturally dispels darkness. Such an image is found in the teachings of Baal Shem Tov, the Maggid of Mezritch, and the Alter Rebbe and is one of the central Hasidic principles.

The image that society sees

In Ukrainian social networks, “Hasid” is described as:

  • a principled instructor,

  • a strict but fair commander,

  • an officer who combines professional training with a personal moral stance.

What remains unknown

Full name, rank, unit, locations — are not published.
Some hostile resources spread an unverified version of “service in the Israeli special forces”, but there is no confirmation of this. Ukrainian official sources have not made such statements.

What video materials about “Hasid” show: documentary sources

1. Video from January 3, 2023 (project “Finding Answers with Inna Zolotukhina”)

This is one of the earliest confirmed appearances of “Hasid” in the media — a report from a combat company training.

The video directly states:

  • “Hasid” trains Ukrainian fighters from various units from the first days of the war, and does so exclusively on a volunteer basis.

  • He introduces himself as:
    “I am Jewish by nationality and have extensive experience serving in special units of Ukraine and Israel”.

  • He emphasizes that he considers it his duty to pass on combat experience:
    “This is how I save their lives. And as Jews say: ‘Save a life — save the whole world’”.

In the same video, fighters of the “Black Raven” company talk about heavy battles in the Chernobyl zone, the importance of constant training, and how the instructor helps cope with combat stress:

  • “When you sit in a trench under fire for three days and don’t see the enemy — the instructor helps you learn to keep a cool head”.

  • “If you don’t train — you can lose vigilance. In war, mistakes cost lives”.

This video shows “Hasid” as a combat instructor who combines professional training with psychological support for fighters.

2. Video from August 31, 2025: “Who is Hasid?”

This is a later and more systematic video material that gathers information about him into a coherent portrait.

The video states:

  • “Hasid” personally trained over 8,000 elite Ukrainian fighters.

  • Has experience serving in special units of the National Guard of Ukraine.

  • Holds international certification in Israeli training centers.

  • Uses his own methods based on real combat experience.

  • Follows the principle:
    “Weapons are just a tool, it’s the person who fights”.

  • Considers his main reward the moment,
    when a soldier returns home safe and sound.

  • His faith in the Almighty is separately emphasized, which helps maintain inner resilience in wartime conditions.

This video shows “Hasid” as a systematic, recognizable, and one of the most effective Ukrainian instructors of the modern war.

What Russian propaganda press wrote about “Hasid”

Russian occupation media and related resources mentioned “Hasid” several times, but exclusively in a manipulative and speculative manner. The main thesis they promoted was the version that the Ukrainian Armed Forces instructor is allegedly a “former Israeli special forces operative”. Such statements appeared on several Russian sites after the release of Ukrainian video materials about the training of servicemen, where “Hasid” was featured.

Russian resources used the same video from the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, interpreting it in a propagandistic manner, adding accusations, non-existent details, and attempts to present “Hasid” as a “foreign mercenary”. This is a typical tactic of Russian disinformation: distorting facts, imagining non-existent biographies, and forming the image of an “external enemy” to discredit Ukrainian volunteers, instructors, and officers.

What is the IPA and why does it award military personnel

The International Police Association is the oldest and largest professional organization of law enforcement officers in the world.

Founded in 1950, today it has representations in more than 70 countries.
The goal of the IPA is to promote international cooperation, law and order, professional exchange, and support for colleagues working in risky conditions.

Why the IPA awards

The IPA periodically awards

  • medals for bravery,

  • badges for service to society,

  • distinctions for contribution to safety and protection of citizens.

In peacetime, awards are more often received by the police — but during war, the association separately recognizes people who demonstrate a high level of professionalism in combat conditions, especially when it comes to protecting the population, training personnel, or saving lives.

Awarding the Ukrainian Armed Forces officer is precisely such a case.

Ukrainian Jews continue to defend their country

The story of “Hasid” is not only a personal recognition. It is a marker of a phenomenon that we at NAnovosti regularly write about:
the Jewish community of Ukraine is not a bystander in the war, but a participant.

  • Jewish military personnel serve in infantry, intelligence, and border troops.

  • Rabbis of the volunteer movement coordinate humanitarian and spiritual support on the front.

  • Thousands of Ukrainian Jews participate in the defense of the country as servicemen, medics, volunteers, engineers.

“Hasid” has become one of the symbols of this participation: a person who combines Jewish identity, professional military training, and real combat service.

His award is a reminder to the world:
Jews of Ukraine defend their homeland just like all other citizens of the country.


NAnovosti News of Israel Nikk.Agency November 24, 2025.


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