Against the backdrop of new negotiations in Cairo, Hamas is preparing for a step that outwardly looks like a serious political concession: the dismantling of a structure that has served as the de facto government in the Gaza Strip for almost 20 years.
This concerns the so-called “Committee for Government Work Oversight” — a body through which Hamas, after seizing power in Gaza, maintained civilian control over the enclave.
According to reports from the Saudi publication “Asharq Al-Awsat”, which were recounted by Israeli and regional media on July 5-6, 2026, the movement intends to pave the way for the transfer of administrative powers to the National Committee for Gaza Management — a technocratic structure headed by Dr. Ali Shaat.
But for Israel, the main question is not whether Hamas will change a sign and hand over a few offices to new officials.
The main question is who will control weapons, security, borders, reconstruction, and the real centers of power within Gaza.
Why Hamas is talking about dissolution
According to data published on July 6, 2026, Hamas has already taken the first step towards dissolving its de facto government: it involves dismantling the body that for many years ensured administrative management of the sector. This step is presented as preparation for the transfer of powers to a technocratic committee led by Ali Shaat.
Formally, the logic is simple: if the National Committee is to enter Gaza, the old Hamas structure must make way.
Statements related to this process mention the creation of a national team involving government structures, Palestinian factions, and independent figures. It is tasked with facilitating the transfer of administrative duties to the new committee.
However, even in these formulations, there is an important caveat.
Hamas is not talking about the complete disappearance of its influence, but about the transfer of civilian functions. Meanwhile, technical and professional staff should remain in place to maintain the operation of services and the daily management of the sector.
For the Israeli audience, this is a fundamental point. If only the administrative facade changes, and control over force, weapons, and underground structures remains the same, it is not the end of Hamas’s power, but a new form of it.
Who is Ali Shaat and why is a technocratic committee needed
Ali Shaat is a Palestinian technocrat and civil engineer who was assigned the role of head of the National Committee for Gaza Management in January 2026. This committee is supposed to handle civil affairs: municipal services, water, healthcare, education, infrastructure, finance, and reconstruction.
On paper, this scheme looks like an attempt to replace the power of a terrorist group with civilian governance.
In practice, the entire structure hinges on one question: who will force Hamas to give up not offices, but weapons.
That is why the dissolution of the old committee cannot automatically be considered the end of Hamas’s power in Gaza. For Israel, the administrative facade is not important, but the real content: who controls armed groups, tunnels, warehouses, internal security, and the ability to threaten the south of the country again.
Cairo negotiations and the disarmament dispute
In Cairo, negotiations are expected to continue in the coming days on the implementation of the ceasefire agreement in the Gaza Strip. Hamas and other Palestinian groups are participating, as well as mediators trying to bridge differences over the second stage of the deal.
The central theme is the disarmament of Hamas and other armed groups.
Hamas insists on a gradual approach and demands linking the issue of weapons with the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the sector. Essentially, the movement is trying to shift the conversation from “demilitarization first” to a long political bargaining: partial concessions, guarantees, stages, international formulas, and pressure on Israel.
It is at this point that for the Israeli reader, the headline about “government dissolution” is not important, but the mechanism of control.
NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views such news not as a separate diplomatic intrigue, but as a security issue for southern Israel, residents of border areas, the future of hostages, the reconstruction of Gaza, and Israel’s ability to prevent a repeat of the October 7 catastrophe.
If Hamas retains weapons, any new administrative structures become not an alternative to terrorist power, but a possible screen for its survival.
Hamas document and calculation on elections in Israel
Israeli channel Kan reported on July 5, 2026, about an internal Hamas document in which the movement analyzes negotiations through the prism of Israeli politics. According to the channel, Hamas believes that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself is delaying the process, as he sees any significant concession on Gaza as a threat to his coalition and political future.
From this, Hamas concludes: if Israel is stalling, then the movement should do the same.
This is an important detail.
Hamas does not look like an organization ready to voluntarily leave the historical stage. Rather, it is trying to understand what format will allow it to survive the current stage, wait for a change in the political situation in Israel, and preserve the core of its influence.
For Israel, such logic is as dangerous as an open refusal to disarm. If negotiations turn into a game of time, then each week may work not for peace, but for the restoration of Hamas’s channels of influence within Gaza.
Israel’s position: reconstruction only after demilitarization
Benjamin Netanyahu stated at a government meeting on July 5, 2026, that Israel will not allow the reconstruction of Gaza without the disarmament of Hamas and the demilitarization of the sector. He rejected reports that the US allegedly demands to continue reconstruction work even if Hamas is not disarmed.
Netanyahu’s formula sounds tough: there will be no reconstruction of Gaza without the dismantling of military infrastructure.
The Prime Minister also said that Gaza residents wishing to leave the sector should have such an opportunity, and those who remain should not pose a threat to Israel. He separately emphasized that Israel will continue to maintain security zones within Gaza.
For Israel, this is not a secondary detail, but the foundation of the entire post-war architecture.
If international structures are allowed to engage in reconstruction, but Hamas retains military power, Israel risks facing the same problem in a new package: money for reconstruction, civil committees, diplomatic statements — and simultaneously an armed network waiting for the next convenient moment.
What this means for Israel
Currently, around Gaza, it is not the end of the war, but a new phase of the struggle for the post-war order.
One side is trying to present the dissolution of Hamas’s de facto government as a step towards civilian governance and international control. The other side — Israel — demands that any talks about reconstruction be linked to real demilitarization, not cosmetic replacement of officials.
For the residents of Sderot, Ashkelon, Netivot, kibbutzim around Gaza, and the entire south of Israel, this is not abstract diplomacy. The outcome of the disarmament dispute will determine whether the border will be calm or will again become a line of waiting for the next attack.
Therefore, the main test of the coming weeks is not whether Hamas will announce the dissolution of its government.
The main test is whether someone can achieve that Hamas ceases to be an armed power in Gaza.
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