Ose Haim – Ticketing Service in Israel, where you can purchase event tickets in English!

Concerts, theater performances, cinema, and educational events – choose and book easily.

Where to Buy Tickets for Concerts and Shows in Israel? Ose Haim Offers Service in English!

Israel is a country where culture unites people of different nationalities. Concerts, theatrical performances, festivals, film screenings, and educational events are available throughout the country. Now, you can easily purchase tickets using the convenient service Ose Haim, which also operates in English.

What is Ose Haim?

Ose Haim is a ticketing service that helps event organizers sell tickets and allows visitors to quickly and easily book their seats.

Main Features of Ose Haim:

• ✔️ Music Events – concerts of Israeli and international artists.
• ✔️ Theatrical Performances – shows in Hebrew, Russian, English, and Ukrainian.
• ✔️ Film Screenings – premieres and retrospectives of popular films.
• ✔️ Educational Programs – lectures, seminars, and courses.
• ✔️ Festivals and Cultural Events – large-scale events in various cities of Israel.

Now, all information about upcoming events is available in English, making the ticket booking process even more convenient.

Why Are English-Language Services Important in Israel?

According to Israel’s Ministry of Aliyah and Integration, more than 15,000 immigrants have arrived in Israel since 2022. Additionally, about 14,000 temporary residents from different countries, including Ukraine, actively participate in the country’s cultural life.

The launch of businesses aimed at an English-speaking audience has become a key trend, and Ose Haim is one such service that eliminates language barriers.

“We see a growing demand for cultural events among English-speaking audiences. People need access to information in their native language, and we are happy to provide such a service,” – note the representatives of Ose Haim.

How to Buy Tickets at Ose Haim?

The ticket booking process is extremely simple and takes only a few minutes:

1. 1️⃣ Select an event on the Ose Haim website.
2. 2️⃣ Choose the number of tickets and preferred seats.
3. 3️⃣ Pay online securely.
4. 4️⃣ Receive an e-ticket via email or SMS.

The Ose Haim ticket office is located in Rishon LeZion (Netanya St. 13), but all services are available online, allowing ticket purchases from anywhere in Israel.

NAnews – News of Israel: Supporting Cultural Initiatives

NAnews – News of Israel regularly publishes information about key cultural events in Israel and supports businesses catering to English-speaking audiences.

Cultural events in Israel are not just entertainment but also a crucial way for new immigrants to integrate and communicate. Ose Haim is an example of a business that makes this process more comfortable and accessible.

Conclusion

If you are looking for a **convenient way to buy tickets** for concerts, theater performances, film screenings, or educational events in Israel, Ose Haim offers a service in **English**, making the booking process easy and accessible.

Don’t miss the chance to attend the best cultural events in Israel! Book your tickets with Ose Haim today.

🔹 Address: Rishon LeZion, Netanya St. 13
🔹 Categories: Music | Theater | Cinema | Education

📌 More details and ticket purchases – on the Ose Haim website!

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

An event occurred in Brussels that is difficult to simply call a church ceremony. In the Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula, one of the main churches of the Belgian capital, ancient stained glass windows associated with the anti-Semitic libel of 1370 were dismantled.

For the Jewish history of Europe, this is not an interior detail, but a painful symbol.

Hundreds of people attended the ceremony, including representatives of the Christian clergy, the Chief Rabbi of Brussels and Belgium, Rabbi Avraham Gigi, as well as leaders of the Jewish community. Instead of the stained glass windows, a memorial plaque was installed in local languages and Hebrew with an official acknowledgment of historical injustice and apologies for the suffering caused to the Jewish people. The ceremony in the Brussels cathedral took place on April 26, 2026, according to media reports.

What happened in Brussels and why it matters

The Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula is not an ordinary church. It is one of the central Catholic churches in Brussels, associated with the state and religious history of Belgium. Therefore, the decision to publicly remove images that for decades reminded of a medieval anti-Semitic accusation has not only museum but also political and moral significance.

The essence of the matter goes back to 1370.

At that time, Jews were accused of stealing consecrated hosts and their ‘desecration.’ According to church legend, the hosts were allegedly damaged, after which they began to ‘bleed.’ Such stories in medieval Europe often became a pretext for mass hatred, torture, executions, pogroms, and expulsions.

In Brussels, this legend became known as the ‘Miracle of the Holy Sacrament’ or the ‘Brussels Sacramental Miracle.’ But behind the beautiful religious formula lay a tragedy: Jews were accused without real evidence, part of the community was destroyed, the rest were expelled, and their property confiscated.

Why this is not just an old dispute about stained glass

The ancient stained glass windows were not neutral art. They visually reinforced a false narrative in which Jews were portrayed as enemies of the Christian shrine.

This is exactly how medieval propaganda worked: not only through sermons but also through images, legends, processions, relics, and church holidays. For the illiterate population, stained glass was often stronger than text. It did not explain—it instilled.

Therefore, the dismantling of such images is not an attempt to ‘erase history.’ On the contrary, it is an attempt to finally call history by its name.

The history of the issue: how the libel became part of the city’s memory

After the events of 1370, the story of the ‘bleeding hosts’ became part of Brussels’ religious memory. The hosts were revered as a shrine, and the plot itself was maintained for centuries by church tradition and artistic images.

Later, especially in modern times, such legends were used not only against Jews but also in Catholic-Protestant disputes. The image of the ‘miracle’ was supposed to confirm the special significance of the Eucharist and strengthen the Catholic version of faith.

But for the Jewish community, this cult meant something else: a memory of lies, blood, and exile.

After World War II and the Holocaust, the Catholic Church’s attitude towards such plots began to change. The Second Vatican Council and the declaration Nostra aetate played an important role, changing the official tone of the Catholic Church towards Jews. In 1968, the Archdiocese of Mechelen-Brussels renounced the previous recognition of the cult associated with this ‘miracle,’ and in 1977, an explanatory plaque appeared in the cathedral, distancing itself from the accusations of 1370.

But, as it turned out, one explanation was not enough.

The stained glass windows continued to exist as a visual trace of the old libel. And only now, about 650 years later, a stronger symbolic step was taken: the image was removed, and in its place appeared a memorial plaque with a direct acknowledgment of the harm done to the Jewish people.

What is the libel of ‘desecrating the host’

It is important not to confuse terms here. The classic ‘blood libel’ is the accusation of Jews in the murder of Christians, most often children, allegedly for ritual purposes. And the accusation of ‘desecrating the host’ is another form of anti-Semitic myth: Jews were accused of stealing or damaging consecrated bread.

But the essence of these plots is the same.

They turned Jews into a demonized enemy, created a religious justification for violence, and allowed authorities or mobs to rob, expel, and kill. Therefore, in a broad sense, the Brussels story of 1370 belongs to the same European tradition of anti-Semitic libels that for centuries poisoned relations between the Christian majority and Jewish communities.

Why this is important for Israel and the Jewish world today

For Israel, such news does not sound like distant European archaeology. It is part of a long history in which lies about Jews first became a picture, then a legend, then a ‘well-known fact,’ and after that—a pretext for violence.

That is why the acknowledgment of the mistake after 650 years is significant.

It does not bring back the dead. It does not cancel the expulsion. It does not erase the fear that has been passed down in the Jewish memory of Europe for centuries.

But it shows that historical lies can be called lies even after centuries. For the Jewish audience in Israel, this is especially sensitive because modern anti-Semitism often works in the same way: first a caricature, then an accusation, then a justification for aggression.

In this sense, the story of Brussels is not only about the Middle Ages. It is a warning about how dangerous it is when a religious, political, or media system preserves a false image of the Jew as the culprit of others’ troubles for decades.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such stories not as museum news but as part of a larger theme: how Europe, Israel, and the Jewish people today work with memory, historical responsibility, and a new wave of anti-Semitism.

Why ‘better late than never’ sounds bitter here

The phrase ‘better late than never’ fits this event but sounds almost painfully in it.

Because it has not been ten years or one generation. About six and a half centuries have passed. During this time, Europe has experienced the expulsion of Jews, ghettos, church bans, pogroms, racial theories, the Holocaust, and a new surge of anti-Semitism already in the digital age.

Therefore, the dismantling of the stained glass windows in Brussels is not just an act of goodwill. It is an acknowledgment that symbols have power. Even old ones. Even beautiful ones. Even if they are accustomed to being called ‘historical heritage.’

Historical heritage does not cease to be a heritage of hatred if it is built on lies.

What this ceremony changes

From a practical point of view, one ceremony will not solve the problem of anti-Semitism in Europe. It will not stop radical movements, will not instantly change school programs, and will not remove new versions of old libels from the internet.

But it sets an important standard.

If a false accusation has been displayed in the cathedral for centuries as part of religious memory, today it must be publicly dismantled, explained, and acknowledged. Not hidden in an archive. Not left with a vague signature. Not justified by the words ‘it was the time.’

For Israel and Jewish communities, this is fundamental: the memory of the past must be not decorative but honest. Especially where once religious authority helped turn lies into violence.

The Brussels cathedral took a step that should have been taken long ago.

That is why this story is important not only for Belgium. It is important for all of Europe, for Israel, and for every society that wants to understand: anti-Semitism does not start with bonfires. It starts with a lie that no one stops for too long.

…
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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

He was the vice-president of the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council (UHVR, chairman Roman Shukhevych), deputy Stepan Bandera in the OUN and at the same time he is a “Righteous Among the Nations”.

Fedor Vovk (in emigration – Ivan Vovchuk), together with his wife Yelizaveta Shkandel, saved many Jews in Nazi-occupied Nikopol, says in The Jerusalem Post Boris Lozhkin, President of the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine.

Vovk’s case among Ukrainian nationalists is not unique. Many members of the OUN during the Holocaust risked their lives to shelter Jews and forged documents, turning them into Ukrainians.

On July 12, 1998, Yad Vashem awarded Fedor Vovk and his wife Yelizaveta Shkandel the honorary title of “Righteous Among the Nations”. https://www.yadvashem.org/yv/pdf-drupal/ukraine.pdf (Vovk, Feodor & Shkandel, Yelizaveta, p. 39)

The detailed life story of Ivan Vovchuk, one of the leaders of the OUN and a Righteous, can soon be read in the book Oleg Protsenko “National Tribune. Life and Ideas of Ivan Vovchuk”. With the support of the Vovk Foundation, it is now being prepared for publication by the “Fronesis” publishing house. Many facts presented in the book will be published for the first time.

The nationalist-Righteous should be known by as many people as possible, not only in Ukraine but also abroad. This will help destroy the myth of Ukrainians as anti-Semites and further strengthen relations between Ukrainians and Jews.

“The leaders of Ukrainian nationalists embody the democratic and indomitable spirit of the Ukrainian people, who are fighting for their freedom today.”

“More than two years after Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine, Ukrainians are still fighting bravely.

Two years later, Russian President Putin is still spreading unfounded propaganda that my country, a country with a Jewish president and a thriving Jewish community, is a ‘Nazi state’.

There is no deeper symbol to counter this false portrayal than the recent completion of the Torah Scroll of Solidarity between Ukraine and Israel, with letters written by their presidents Volodymyr Zelensky and Isaac Herzog. This scroll will become a motivating force for the Ukrainian and Jewish communities to unite, become closer than ever, to confront the old Soviet script and ensure the victory of freedom. But more needs to be done.

Putin has repeatedly promoted the absurdly false narrative that Ukraine needs to be “denazified,” claiming that Ukraine is a Nazi state led by Ukrainian nationalists aligned along neo-Nazi lines, thus justifying his unrestrained and unfounded war.

These claims are not new.

For decades, Russian authorities, formerly Soviet, have called the Ukrainian nationalist movement Nazi in an attempt to discredit Ukrainians who want to live in a free and democratic Ukraine.

They focused their efforts on the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, a political party founded in 1929 dedicated to creating an independent Ukrainian state. The OUN played a key role in the creation of the Ukrainian state and continues to play an increasingly important role in Ukrainian society today.

During World War II, there were instances of Ukrainian nationalists collaborating in crimes against Jews.

But these acts were rare and absolutely not official policy or a reflection of the OUN’s position.

Much of today’s “reporting” on the party’s alleged crimes during the Holocaust comes from KGB propaganda aimed at discrediting Ukrainian nationalists.

In fact, there were many instances where leaders of Ukrainian nationalists risked their lives to save Jews from the Nazis in Ukraine. And now, as Putin’s Russian propaganda spreads worldwide with the support of supporters like Tucker Carlson, it is most important for the Ukrainian and Jewish communities to unite to highlight their own stories and counter Russian myths about Ukrainians and Ukrainian nationalists.

Read us on the channels Israel News Nikk.Agency Новини Ізраїлю in — Telegram, — Facebook, — Google News

The story of Ivan Vovchuk should be brought to public attention

The stories of these people should be brought to public attention. They embody the democratic and unwavering spirit of the Ukrainian people, who are fighting for their freedom today. And they emphasize the need to strengthen Ukrainian-Jewish relations and not allow Putin to resolve them.

One such Ukrainian was Ivan Vovchuk.

Vovchuk, a native of Nikopol and a leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, used his position to save Jewish families, including Sarah Bakst and her children, from Nazi terror.

His actions and those of his brave wife, Yelizaveta Shkandel, are poignant reminders of the shared history and mutual support between the Ukrainian and Jewish communities, refuting the vile narrative propagated by the Kremlin.

“Vovk” was recognized by Yad Vashem, Israel’s official memorial to the victims of the Holocaust, as a Righteous Among the Nations for his heroism.

His story is a beacon of humanity and courage, standing against the senseless Russian propaganda seeking to portray Ukraine as an anti-Semitic, Nazi state.

The current Russian propaganda campaign is not only historically inaccurate but also deeply offensive. It is an insult to the memory of the Holocaust victims and the courage of people like Vovk, who stood against real anti-Semitism and Nazism. And it is an insult to the modern Jewish community in Ukraine.

Unfortunately, this narrative has resonated with only a small part of American and European society.

“That’s why I am working with the Vovk Foundation on a new book that will detail the story of Ivan Vovchuk to debunk the fabricated lies spread by Putin and his opponents in the Western world.”

This book, using a range of unpublished primary sources and documents, will counter Putin’s condemnations of Ukrainians and Ukrainian nationalists like Ivan Vovchuk and bring the Ukrainian and Jewish communities closer together as the Russian war machine deliberately tries to create a chasm between them.

“The importance of uniting the Ukrainian and Jewish communities in the fight against aggression cannot be overstated. This alliance is a testament to our shared pursuit of justice and mutual respect. Our unity is a powerful force against the disinformation and hatred spread by our opponents.”

The struggle we are waging today is not only Ukraine’s struggle; it is a battle for the very soul of Europe and the principles of freedom and humanity that are essential for the entire world. Just as Vovk and others like him rose to the challenge of their time, we too must stand firm against the distortion of history and the malevolent intentions of Russian aggression.

“The international community, especially the West, must continue to support Ukraine, ensuring that the sacrifices made are recognized and that aspirations for a peaceful and just future are realized.”

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

“Ah, what you sent
Last week,
We have long since eaten
And eagerly await,
When you will send again
To our dinner
A dozen
New and sweet … “

To the port of Haifa, according to data (April 25, 2026) from researcher Katerina Yaresko, another grain ship is approaching, the origin of which may be linked to the occupied territories of Ukraine. It concerns PANORMITIS, IMO: 9445021.

The declared cargo is 6201.56 tons of wheat and 19043.73 tons of barley.

For Israel, this story is important not only as a trade episode. It concerns Russia’s war against Ukraine, the possible plundering of resources in the occupied territories, and how international logistics can become a tool for concealing the origin of goods.

What is known about the ship PANORMITIS

According to published data, PANORMITIS was at anchor in the port of Kavkaz in Russian territorial waters and did not violate Ukraine’s state border itself.

The key question is different: who exactly delivered the grain to it and where was this cargo exported from.

There are indirect signs that the entire cargo of PANORMITIS could be linked to Kerch and Berdyansk. However, the author of the investigation carefully emphasizes: it is not yet possible to assert this for the entire volume of the cargo.

What has been proven about one carrier

According to Katerina Yaresko, evidence was gathered regarding the ship LEONID PESTRIKOV, IMO: 9922122.

It is claimed that it delivered 6087.68 tons of barley and 954.56 tons of wheat from Berdyansk, after which on April 18, it transferred the grain to PANORMITIS.

Loading in Berdyansk, according to this data, took place from April 7 to April 15, 2026.

The documents for the cargo of LEONID PESTRIKOV were processed in the Russian port of Temryuk, where the ship arrived already loaded from Berdyansk. This scheme, according to the author, is used because there is no customs point in Berdyansk, and it also helps Russian occupation structures to conceal the origin of the grain.

Why this could be a war crime

The exporter is named as the company “Petrokhleb-Kuban”. According to the researcher, this company regularly participates in the export of grain from the occupied territories.

The essence of the problem is not only in the route of one ship. If the grain is indeed exported from the occupied territories of Ukraine, it is about the plundering of resources, and this is considered a war crime.

Another important point: it does not matter whether it concerns the entire cargo or only the proven part. The very fact of exporting grain from the occupied territory should be recorded and investigated.

In Russian documents, as Yaresko points out, disinformation schemes are systematically used: the loading port is changed, the origin of the goods is concealed, and real routes are masked through Russian ports.

Why Israel finds itself at the center of the issue

For the Israeli audience, this story is particularly sensitive. The ship is heading specifically to Haifa, one of the country’s key seaports.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such cases not as a distant Ukrainian plot, but as a matter of Israeli responsibility, international law, and Israel’s relations with Ukraine against the backdrop of the ongoing war.

Ukraine is conducting a criminal investigation into the facts of grain export from the occupied territories. For the investigation, international legal assistance from the country where such a ship arrives is important. This is an opportunity to obtain documents, check the cargo, record evidence, and understand the real supply chain.

After ABINSK, the problem looks systemic

In the previous case, related to the ship ABINSK, IMO: 9303869, Israel, according to Yaresko, refused Ukraine international legal assistance.

Now a second consecutive voyage with similar signs appears.

This no longer looks like a single episode, but like a systemic problem: grain, the origin of which is linked to the occupied territories of Ukraine, may be regularly imported into Israel.

What will happen next

The main question now is how Israel will react this time.

If the ship indeed arrives in Haifa, the Ukrainian side may have a chance to request assistance, documents, and verification of the cargo’s origin again. For Israel, this is a test not only of port procedures but also of political position: is the country ready to participate in recording possible crimes related to the Russian occupation of Ukrainian territories.

The story of PANORMITIS shows that the war is not only on the front. It continues in ports, invoices, customs documents, transshipment schemes, and routes where the origin of goods is sometimes better hidden than the cargo itself.

…
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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

On April 24, 2026, a new political scandal erupted around the Venice Biennale: the international jury of the 61st contemporary art exhibition announced that it would not consider Russia and Israel among the contenders for the main awards — the ‘Golden Lion’ and the ‘Silver Lion.’ However, the national pavilions of both countries remain in the exhibition program, which is scheduled to open on May 9, 2026.

Formally, the jury’s decision is explained by a reference to the International Criminal Court and accusations related to the leaders of these states.

In practice, however, it is about a much broader story: a major art venue has once again found itself at the center of a debate about war, responsibility, boycott, freedom of art, and the boundaries of political pressure.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is especially sensitive. Israel, in this case, has been placed in the same category as Russia — a country waging a full-scale war against Ukraine and using culture as part of its foreign policy presence.

Such proximity in itself raises questions: where is the line between a legal formula, a political gesture, and a moral substitution?

What the Venice Biennale decided

The jury of the Venice Biennale stated that it would refrain from considering countries whose leaders, according to international reports, are involved in cases at the International Criminal Court. As a result, Russia and Israel are effectively removed from the competition for key awards.

Importantly: this does not mean the exclusion of pavilions from the exhibition.

Russia and Israel will be able to present their projects, and viewers will be able to see them, but the jury will not consider these works as potential laureates of the main prizes. Thus, the biennale chose an intermediate model: not to prohibit participation, but to limit symbolic recognition.

Why this looks like a compromise

The biennale organizers emphasize that the international jury acts autonomously and independently determines the laureates. The exhibition’s press service separately noted that the organization does not interfere in the jury’s decisions and simultaneously does not assume the right to prohibit the participation of national pavilions of recognized states.

This is where the main conflict arises.

On one hand, the biennale tries to maintain its status as an open international platform. On the other — the jury effectively introduces a politico-ethical filter that influences the final hierarchy of the exhibition. The pavilions remain, but full participation in the race for prestigious awards is no longer possible.

For art, this is not a technical detail. The ‘Golden Lion’ of the Venice Biennale is not just an award, but a sign of global recognition. Exclusion from the awards does not close the pavilion’s doors but changes the country’s status within the event.

Russia, Israel, and the different nature of accusations

In the Ukrainian and European context, the main focus is now primarily on the Russian pavilion. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Moscow’s participation in major cultural events has been perceived not as ‘ordinary culture,’ but as a matter of political normalization of a regime responsible for war, city destruction, strikes on civilian infrastructure, and the destruction of Ukrainian cultural heritage.

Russia did not participate in the 2024 exhibition, and its return in 2026 caused a sharp reaction from the European Union, Ukraine, the Baltic countries, Finland, and a large number of cultural figures. Associated Press reports that the EU has already announced a reduction of a 2 million euro grant for the Venice Biennale due to the return of the Russian pavilion.

With Israel, the situation is different but no less politicized. The jury’s decision is related to international criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza and the ICC warrant against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. However, for Israeli society, this framing of the issue is perceived as especially painful: Israel is waging a war following the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, and the threat from Iran, Hezbollah, and other proxy groups remains part of the country’s real security.

Why the comparison of Israel and Russia causes irritation

For many in Israel and the Jewish diaspora, the very linkage of ‘Russia and Israel’ in one decision seems problematic. Russia is an aggressor in the war against Ukraine. Israel, no matter how intense the international dispute around its actions in Gaza, views its war as a fight against terrorist infrastructure following the largest attack on Jews since the Holocaust.

This does not negate debates about rights, humanitarian consequences, and the responsibility of political leadership.

But the mechanical unification of the two countries in one formula creates a sense of moral equivalence, which in itself becomes a political statement. That is why the jury’s decision will be discussed not only in cultural circles but also in diplomatic, Jewish, Ukrainian, and Israeli contexts.

In this sense, Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency draws attention to a key detail: the biennale does not just evaluate art but effectively participates in a global debate about whom international institutions consider an acceptable interlocutor, who is a problematic participant, and who is a symbol of an unacceptable return to normalcy.

International reaction: pressure on the biennale intensifies

The European Union hit funding

The most serious practical step so far is related specifically to Russia. The European Commission sharply condemned the decision to allow the Russian pavilion and announced a reduction of a 2 million euro grant, calculated over a three-year period. According to AP, the biennale has 30 days to justify its position on Russia’s participation.

This is an important signal: the dispute has gone beyond cultural discussion.

Whereas previously it was about letters, statements, and public pressure, now the issue has moved into the realm of money, contracts, and institutional responsibility. The European Union is effectively saying: if the venue gives a stage to Russian state presence, it cannot expect the previous level of European support.

Latvia, Finland, Ukraine, and artist protests

Latvia announced a boycott of the biennale’s opening on May 9, Finland is limiting its participation format while maintaining the Russian pavilion, and the heads of the ministries of culture and foreign affairs of 22 countries opposed Russia’s return to the exhibition. European and Ukrainian representatives associate this not with censorship, but with the impossibility of pretending that the Russian state remains an ordinary cultural participant after the war against Ukraine.

Ukraine also appealed to Italy not to issue visas to Russian participants associated with the pavilion. According to Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha, Kyiv has already imposed sanctions on individuals involved in organizing Russia’s participation and expects corresponding decisions from the host country.

Separate pressure comes from artists. More than 70 participants appealed to the biennale leadership with a protest against the participation of Israel, Russia, and the USA. This shows that within the artistic community there is no unified line: some demand exclusions and boycotts, others believe that art should remain a space for dialogue even in the most difficult periods.

How organizers and Italy respond

The Venice Biennale insists that it has not violated the rules and does not have the authority to prohibit the participation of a country recognized by the Italian Republic. Organizers also point out that the Russian pavilion in the Giardini gardens historically belongs to Russia, and for participation, Moscow had to notify the foundation of its intention to open the exhibition.

In Italy, the reaction is also mixed.

Italy’s Minister of Culture Alessandro Giuli reportedly distanced himself from visiting the Central Pavilion and chose a trip to Lviv — a symbolic gesture towards Ukraine. At the same time, Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini criticized Brussels’ pressure, and Veneto region President Alberto Stefani called the EU’s actions unacceptable, arguing that art should create a space for cultural dialogue.

Russia, as usual, presented the situation as an attack by the West on culture. Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova called the possible funding cut a ‘step back’ and accused the West of ‘anti-culture.’ For Moscow, this is a convenient framework: instead of talking about the war against Ukraine — a conversation about allegedly oppressed culture.

But this is precisely part of the problem. The Russian state has been using cultural platforms as soft power for years, and then demands to separate art from politics at the moment when politics becomes inconvenient.

What this means for Israel

For Israel, the Venice Biennale jury’s decision is an unpleasant signal. It shows that international cultural institutions are increasingly moving from universal artistic criteria to political restrictions, and these restrictions can be applied in very broad and controversial contexts.

The Israeli pavilion remains at the exhibition. This is important.

But exclusion from the competition for awards means that even with formal presence, the country faces a symbolic boycott. This model may be repeated at other international venues: not a complete ban, not direct exclusion, but a lowering of status through decisions by juries, curators, funds, and partners.

For Ukraine, the main issue is to prevent the normalization of Russian presence. For Israel — not to allow the war against terrorist organizations to be automatically translated into the same moral category as Russia’s aggressive war against Ukraine.

It is at this crossroads that the current Venice Biennale finds itself.

Formally, it is an exhibition of contemporary art. In essence — a mirror of international politics in 2026, where pavilions, awards, grants, and boycotts have become the language of diplomacy.

…
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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

He was born in Lviv, became an Israeli citizen, coached children at “Maccabi Be’er Sheva,” served in the IDF, and then returned to Ukraine — and to a war that was not of his choosing. He voluntarily joined the “Right Sector”, helped train recruits, later signed a contract with the UAF and commanded a platoon in the International Legion of Territorial Defense. He died near Bakhmut — as a man who lived between two countries and remained loyal to both. The story of Dmytro Fialka is not just about heroism, but about choice and duty that is stronger than fear.

Lviv. Birth and Roots

Dmytro Bohdanovych Fialka was born on June 21, 1983, in Lviv. It was the city where everything began for him: football, first friends, the smell of the yard, and cold morning training sessions at the school stadium. He grew up in a family that valued hard work and knew the price of responsibility. And, as acquaintances later recalled, he was focused from childhood — never fussed, acted calmly and precisely.

When he was about fifteen, the family moved to Israel. Repatriation, a change of language, a different climate and culture — all of this was a challenge. But it was there, in Israel, that Fialka learned to overcome himself.

Israel. Service and Formation

After moving to Israel, Dmytro graduated from school and obtained citizenship. He served a three-year term in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), in the “Nahal” brigades, and participated in combat operations against the “Hezbollah” group during the Second Lebanon War.

This chapter of his life became foundational. There, in the dusty valleys and hot positions, he understood what discipline was, what trust meant, and the responsibility for others. He later often told friends: “The army made me a man. I don’t regret a single day.”

The service ended, but the habit of acting, not talking, remained. And then football reappeared in his life.

Coach at “Maccabi Be’er Sheva”

From 2008 to 2013, Dmytro Fialka worked as a coach for the youth teams of the “Maccabi Be’er Sheva” club. In the official records of the Israel Football Association (IFA), he is listed as דימה פיאלקה (Dima Fialka).

He coached teenagers, led them to tournaments, and helped them find confidence on the field. One of his trainees was Or Dadia, who later became a player for the “Hapoel Be’er Sheva” club. In an interview, he said:

“Dima was my first coach. He could explain without shouting. After he left for Ukraine, we still corresponded. He was interested in how I was playing. I will never forget this.”

For Fialka, football was not just a job. It was a language he spoke with children. He demanded from them the same as he demanded from himself — precision, respect, and honesty.

Return to Lviv and New Life

In 2015, Dmytro returned to Ukraine. The reason was simple and human — a sick grandmother. He settled again in Lviv, where he started. He met Eva, got married, and became the father of two children — a daughter and a son.

In Lviv, he continued his coaching work: first at the “Dynamo Lviv” club, then at the DYUSSH FC “Lviv”, where he worked with teenagers. Before the war, he coached the youth team of Dynamo Lviv, as confirmed by publications in Israeli and Ukrainian media.

Colleagues recalled that Dmytro always came first and left last. During training, he repeated:

“If you want to be listened to — be an example.”

He lived modestly but with dignity. He loved children, his family, and football. And, as Israeli journalists later wrote about him, “he lived between two flags, but never betrayed either.”

War. Volunteer and Commander

When Russia launched a full-scale invasion in February 2022, Dmytro did not wait for a summons.

He volunteered for the Ukrainian Volunteer Corps “Right Sector”, where he helped select and train recruits. Later, he signed a contract with the Armed Forces of Ukraine and became a platoon commander in the International Legion of Territorial Defense of the UAF — a unit that included both Ukrainians and foreigners, among them veterans from Israel, Poland, the USA, and Canada.

His call sign was “Ship”.

He did not like to talk much about the war. In one of the messages to friends, he wrote:

“There are no strangers here. Everyone is your own if they are nearby.”

Fighters recalled that he knew how to maintain order, never lost composure, and never left his subordinates.

Death near Bakhmut

On September 1, 2022, Dmytro Fialka died near Bakhmut while performing a combat mission. According to official Ukrainian and Israeli media reports, he received a gunshot wound to the head.

Dmytro’s body remained in territory controlled by Russian forces. For six weeks, his family and volunteers fought for his return. On October 11, 2022, his remains were returned to Ukraine as part of a body exchange between Ukraine and Russia.

This news was covered by major Israeli and Ukrainian media. Times of Israel reported that “the body of the former Israeli soccer coach was returned to Ukraine after exchange negotiations.” Ynet clarified that this exchange was the result of significant diplomatic and humanitarian efforts.

Israeli Family and Burial Decision

In Israel, in Be’er Sheva, where Dmytro’s mother and younger brother lived, the news of his death caused deep shock. Relatives began a fundraising campaign — about 15,000 shekels to transport the body for burial in Israel.

But Dmytro’s family in Lviv decided otherwise. His wife Eva insisted that he should remain where he lived and for what he died — in Ukraine. This dilemma was painful for both sides, but the decision was made calmly, with respect. Israeli relatives returned the collected funds to donors, calling it “a tribute of memory and love without borders.”

There was no conflict in this story. There was only pain, shared between two countries.

Funeral in Lviv

On October 21, 2022, Dmytro Fialka was buried in the Jewish section of Yaniv Cemetery in Lviv. The ceremony was attended by representatives of the Jewish community, Israeli diplomats, volunteers, and his former students.

Two flags — Ukrainian and Israeli — stood side by side. Not as a symbol of division, but as a sign that one person can be a home for two nations at once.

Radio Liberty wrote that words about his courage and modesty were spoken at the funeral. He was not a politician, did not strive to be a hero. He simply did what he considered right.

Memory and Recognition

After Dmytro’s death, his name appeared in the memorial lists of the International Legion of the UAF. In Israel and Ukraine, dozens of publications were written about him — from sports portals to major publications.

The Israel Football Federation confirmed his status as a former coach of the “Maccabi Be’er Sheva” club. On social media, Israeli players and coaches posted photos with the caption “Dima Fialka – forever coach.” In Lviv, he is remembered as a teacher who could speak to children so that they listened not out of fear, but out of respect.

A Man Between Flags

Dmytro Fialka lived a life that cannot be measured in kilometers. He was born in Ukraine, grew up in Israel, returned to Ukraine, and died defending it.

Israeli media wrote about him warmly. Israel Hayom called him “a soldier of two homelands,” Ynet — “a coach remembered by everyone who learned from him to be strong.” Ukrainian sources — “a man who understood that freedom knows no borders.”

He did not leave behind loud speeches — only an example. And this example is worth more than any awards.

Moral and Conclusion

The story of Dmytro Fialka is not about death. It is about the choice a person makes when they cannot do otherwise. About the fact that true belonging to a country is not a passport, but an action.

He was a Jew, a Ukrainian, an Israeli. He was a father, a husband, a coach, a soldier. And he became a person who proved: loyalty is not geography, but an inner truth.

When we see two flags side by side — Israeli and Ukrainian — we should remember that sometimes one person can connect them more strongly than dozens of diplomatic agreements. Such a person lived. His name was Dmytro Fialka.

Moral: Memory That Unites Two Nations

There are dozens, hundreds of such destinies. People whose lives passed between Israel and Ukraine, between two homelands, between two worlds that seemed distant until pain brought them closer.

These are stories of Israelis of Ukrainian origin, IDF veterans, volunteers, doctors, IT specialists, and ordinary citizens who stood alongside Ukrainians during the war. And each of them, like Dmytro Fialka, carries a part of a common code — human and honest.

When society remembers such people, it becomes stronger. Memory is not just an archive. It is a mirror of conscience. It reminds us that the true connection between countries is born not in offices, but in the actions of those who do not seek profit, who simply do what they consider right.

Dmytro Fialka showed that patriotism can be dual, but loyalty is one. He lived at the intersection of cultures, spoke two languages, prayed in different words, but in his heart had one principle: life is worth living with honor.

Society — both Ukrainian and Israeli — is obliged to remember such people. They become a bridge between nations that too often share pain. And it is thanks to such stories that we see that heroism is not about war, but about humanity.

Main Sources:

• Ynet — גופת מאמן הכדורגל הישראלי שנהרג בקרבות הוחזרה לאוקראינה
• Times of Israel — Body of former Israeli soccer coach killed in Ukraine returned in prisoner swap
• Israel Hayom — הישראלי שנהרג באוקראינה הובא למנוחות בלבוב
• Bhol — גופת ישראלי שנהרג באוקראינה הוחזרה לישראל במסגרת חילופי גופות
• KAN News — אזרח ישראלי נהרג בלחימה באוקראינה
• Walla News — גופת האזרח הישראלי שנהרג באוקראינה הוחזרה לישראל
• Radio Liberty — Dmytro Fialka, killed near Bakhmut
• Ukrinform — A Ukrainian who served in Israel died
• ZAXID.NET — Dmytro Fialka, who died at the front, was buried in Lviv
• Wikipedia (ukr.) — Fialka Dmytro Bohdanovych
• Israel Football Association (IFA) — registry of coaches of the Maccabi Be’er Sheva club

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Every autumn, the city of Uman in the Cherkasy region of Ukraine becomes a place of pilgrimage for thousands of Jews from all over the world who come to celebrate Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year.

This event symbolizes not only a religious tradition, but also a deep historical connection between the Jewish people and the Ukrainian land. Many Jews, inspired by this tradition, settled in Uman, creating an entire microdistrict and gradually assimilating into the Ukrainian cultural environment, which emphasizes the long history of coexistence between Jews and Ukrainians.

Israeli philologist and cultural scientist, professor Wolf Moskovich, told in detail about significant Ukrainian-Jewish cultural ties, which are reflected even in surnames, many of which are of Ukrainian origin. For example, the surnames Ivankiv And Vannikov come from the name of the village of Ivanki, located near Uman, and Zavadivker – from the village of Zavadivka. Surname Macedonian originates from the village of Makedoni, located near Kanev.

Of particular interest are surnames with a clear Ukrainian flavor, such as The Bully Tail, Coward Head, Storcheus And Psuybumaga. Although they resemble the style characteristic of the Zaporizhian Sich Cossacks, Professor Moskovich emphasizes that Jewish surnames began to form steadily only at the beginning of the 19th century, when the Sich had already ceased to exist. Nevertheless, this fact testifies to the complex interweaving of Ukrainian and Jewish cultures, which together formed unique social and cultural structures.

Historical ties between Jews and Ukrainians are also confirmed by numerous toponymic Jewish surnames that originate from the names of settlements in Ukraine and Belarus. These surnames were formed similarly to the surnames of the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Polish gentry. In some cases, they even coincide with the gentry surnames of these peoples. The list of such surnames includes Lebedinsky, Mirgorodsky, Zhitomir, Belotserkovsky, Rakitnyansky, Potocki, Odessa, Chernobyl, Zhvanetsky, Koretsky, Brodsky and others. These surnames not only indicate a geographical connection, but also reflect the long history of coexistence of Jews on the territory of Ukraine.

In the 20th century, especially during the Soviet period, Jews had the opportunity to change their surnames, which was sometimes done to adapt to the local culture or for political reasons. Thus, Yiddish surnames could be calqued into Ukrainian analogues, for example: Bilan (from Weissman), Fisherman (from Fisher), Chervonenko (from Rothman), Chernenko (from Shvartsman) Such adaptation demonstrates the desire of Jews to integrate into Ukrainian society while preserving their roots.

A particularly interesting example of the Ukrainization of Jewish surnames is Pinchuk And Polischukwhich probably originated from surnames Pinsky And PoleskiyThis process testifies to the mutual influence and adaptation of cultures that lived side by side for many centuries.

The coexistence of Jews and Ukrainians has a long and sometimes complex history. Both nations have experienced periods of conflict and cooperation, but their shared cultural heritage continues to play a significant role in modern times. Jews began settling en masse in Ukraine in the Middle Ages, when the country was part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and then the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Their contribution to the economic and cultural development of the regions was significant. Over time, Jewish communities in Ukraine became increasingly influential, and many Jews participated in the social and cultural life of the country.

This coexistence is especially relevant in our time, when the world is on the threshold of change, and preserving cultural ties and the memory of centuries-old cooperation between peoples is becoming even more important.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The column by British author Jake Wallis Simons, published in The Telegraph on April 18, 2026, under the headline The West is losing its moral compass, is built around a harsh thesis: The West is increasingly unable to defend free societies when faced with more ruthless, more consistent, and less restrained opponents. The author links three cases—Ukraine, Israel, and Iran—into one line and argues that it is not a set of separate crises, but a systemic political weakness of democracies.

For the Israeli audience, this text is important not only as British journalism. It directly addresses a question that resonates particularly sharply in Israel after October 7: why do Western capitals often appear morally loud but strategically indecisive where the cost of error is measured in the lives of citizens, border security, and the survival of allies.

Ukraine, Israel, and Iran as one political test

Simons presents Ukraine as an example of a dangerous Western illusion: the country gave up the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal after signing the Budapest Memorandum in 1994, receiving political security assurances from the US, UK, and Russia. Later, this very construct became one of the symbols of how international guarantees might not work in the face of direct aggression. The story of Bucha only reinforced this conclusion, turning the issue of deterrence failure into a question about the cost of trust in external promises.

In this logic, Israel occupies a special place. After the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, the debate was not only about the military response but also about the willingness of Western elites to consistently support the right of a democratic state to self-defense in the face of terrorist warfare. For many in Israel, this is where the main gap between beautiful declarations of values and real political will became apparent.

In Simons’ view, Iran is the third element of the same picture. It is about a regime that combines internal repression, the export of instability, and pressure on the neighboring region. At the same time, there were various assessments of the scale of the January 2026 repressions in Iran: human rights activists reported mass killings of protesters, and several investigations and publications suggested that the death toll could have exceeded 30,000 in two days, although these figures remain disputed and require cautious wording. Human Rights Watch spoke of mounting evidence of mass executions, and major international media pointed to the extremely severe scale of violence.

Why the author brings these three stories together

The logic of the column is that Ukraine, Israel, and Iran show the same problem from three sides. Ukraine demonstrates that the West poorly prevents aggression. Israel shows that the West often begins to morally waver when a democratic country responds to a terrorist attack. Iran reminds us that Western rhetoric about human rights too often does not translate into real pressure on regimes that kill their own citizens.

This is where the topic becomes especially sensitive for Israel. Because from the Israeli perspective, the question is no longer abstract. If the democratic world cannot respond equally clearly to the Russian war against Ukraine, Islamist terror against Israel, and repression within Iran, then the problem is not a lack of information but a crisis of strategic clarity.

Where exactly, according to Simons, the West fails

The essence of Simons’ argument is not reduced to emotions.

He writes about moral disorientation, where part of the Western establishment continues to think in terms of procedures, compromises, and reputational risks even when faced with forces openly betting on violence, intimidation, and the destruction of the very rules. This is why, in his opinion, democracies lose not only in reaction speed but also in the ability to call things by their names.

For Ukraine, this meant too slow a realization of the scale of the Russian threat. For Israel, attempts to impose symmetry where one side commits a terrorist attack on the civilian population and the other defends its own existence. For Iran, chronic lagging of real international reaction behind the regime’s level of brutality.

In the middle of this conversation, it is especially appropriate to remind that NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency has repeatedly recorded the same pattern: in the modern world, not only borders but also the very mechanisms of moral distinction become vulnerable when democracies begin to be ashamed of their own righteousness faster than dictatorships of their own cruelty.

What this means for Israel

For the Israeli reader, the main takeaway from such a text is not to mechanically accept the British column as a final diagnosis, but to see the overall scheme. Israel has long lived in a reality where the issue of security cannot be separated from the issue of international legitimacy. And if Western democracies lose the ability to defend allies without endless reservations, it becomes a threat not only to Kyiv or Iranian dissidents but also to Israel’s own strategic position.

Moreover, Iran in this triangle is not just another example of authoritarianism.

It is a state that for decades has been forming an anti-Israeli regional network, supporting proxy structures, and simultaneously suppressing its own society. Therefore, the “Ukraine — Israel — Iran” link does not seem artificial to the Israeli audience. On the contrary, it shows how different crises converge at one point: the question of whether the West can defend freedom not at conferences, but in confrontation with force.

The book behind this column and the broader meaning of the debate

Simons’ column echoes his book Never Again: How the West Betrayed the Jews and Itself, which was published in 2025–2026 in various formats and develops the same line: the crisis of the West is not only a story about Jews, Israel, or specific wars, but a story about how liberal societies lose the instinct for self-preservation.

One can argue with the author’s individual emphases, his sharpness, and how much he generalizes different international stories. But ignoring the main nerve of this text is already difficult. Ukraine reminded us that promises do not always protect. Israel showed that even after a monstrous blow, allies can quickly move from sympathy to hesitation. Iran proved that authoritarian regimes are willing to go further than many Western politicians are ready to admit.

Therefore, the question posed by this column sounds extremely concrete for Israel: if democracies truly want to survive as democracies, they will have to relearn not only to talk about values but also to defend them with force, consistently and without self-disarming naivety.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The numbers behind the war against the future. Not just schools, but a system of pressure. New data shows the scale of the problem that Ukraine has been warning about for years. In the 2025–2026 academic year, there are 1980 “Russian” schools operating in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, working according to Russian standards, and more than 582 thousand Ukrainian children are studying in them. This is not about isolated cases or a local system failure, but about a massive and deliberate restructuring of the educational space under Russia’s control.

But the most frightening thing in this story is not the statistics themselves, but what lies behind them. Through schools, the occupying power builds a mechanism of pressure in which children are gradually changed in terms of language environment, educational content, historical memory, and the very sense of belonging to Ukraine. In March 2026, in the analytical report of the Center “Almenda”, this is directly described as a policy of destroying the identity of children in the occupied territories.

For the Israeli reader, there are too many familiar signals here to consider this topic distant. When the blow is struck at children, at memory, at language, and at the upbringing of the next generation, it is no longer just a humanitarian crisis. It is an attempt to steal the future of a nation.

How exactly Ukrainian children are broken

Militarization instead of childhood

One of the key parts of this system is militarization. Children and teenagers in the occupied territories are drawn into structures like the “First Movement” and “Yunarmiya”, where instead of normal development, creativity, and free choice, they are imposed with a cult of loyalty, submission, and war. Ukrainian and international sources describing the report’s findings indicate that Russian authorities are accelerating the militarization of education, introducing ideological subjects, and embedding elements of state propaganda into school life.

This looks especially cynical because everything is presented under the guise of “upbringing”, “patriotism”, and “care for youth”. In reality, the child is gradually accustomed to the idea that their future should be connected not with Ukraine, but with the state that came to their land with war. And here it becomes clear: this is not about education as such, but about preparing a loyal generation for a foreign system.

Fear as an everyday norm

An equally important element is fear. In the occupied territories, school becomes not a place of choice, but a place of coercion. Parents find themselves under pressure, and teenagers are deprived of the opportunity to openly speak about their pro-Ukrainian position. Even maintaining an internal connection with their country becomes a risk there. This is also mentioned in the materials accompanying the “Almenda” report and in the stories of children who are later managed to be taken out of occupation.

Thus, an environment is built where silence becomes a way to survive. A child learns not to think freely, but to hide their feelings, beliefs, and memory in time. And this is already a blow not only to children’s rights but also to the very possibility of society to reclaim these children without severe consequences for their psyche.

That is why the topic of Ukrainian children in the occupied territories should not fall out of the international agenda. NAnovosti — Israel News | Nikk.Agency in such a conversation sounds not like a formality, but as part of a common effort not to let the world turn away from what is happening right now.

Why Save Ukraine is so important here

Who they are and what they do

Save Ukraine is a Ukrainian humanitarian organization founded in 2014. On its official website, it explains its mission as saving children, supporting families, and forming a strong generation capable of restoring the country’s future. After the start of the full-scale war, the organization became one of the most prominent structures engaged in evacuating civilians, returning Ukrainian children from occupation and from Russia, as well as their further rehabilitation.

In the context of this topic, Save Ukraine is important not as an abstract charity fund, but as an organization that deals with the most severe consequences of occupation in practice. It conducts rescue missions, helps return children home, accompanies families, provides temporary safety, and then helps children go through the path of recovery after experiencing pressure, isolation, ideological processing, and fear. On the Save Ukraine website, it is separately emphasized that it is about children who faced separation from families, militarization, persecution, and other forms of violence.

Save Ukraine:
https://www.saveukraineua.org/

That is why mentioning Save Ukraine in this topic carries special weight. This is not a story “about sympathy”, not a beautiful logo, and not a set of the right words. This is a structure that really pulls children out of the trap where they were tried to be deprived of home, memory, and a normal childhood.

Why this is a question of Ukraine’s future

On the organization’s website, messages about new rescue operations are regularly published.

At the end of March and the beginning of April 2026, Save Ukraine reported on new groups of children and teenagers who were managed to be taken out of occupation and deportation. This shows that the problem has not remained in the past and has not been reduced to isolated cases — it continues, and the fight for each child is literally happening now.

Therefore, the issue of returning Ukrainian children cannot be perceived only as a humanitarian mission. It is a question of whether Ukraine will be able to maintain a connection with the next generation, which the enemy is trying to rewrite for itself. Every child who manages to break out of this system is not just a saved fate. It is also a blow to the very logic of occupation, which is built on the calculation that over time children will forget who they are, where they are from, and to which country they belong.

And that is why this needs to be spoken about loudly. Not only in Kyiv. Not only in the human rights community. Not only in reports.

This should be known in Israel, in Jewish communities, in international institutions, in the media, and in political circles. Because here the war is not only for territories. Here the war is for memory, for identity, and for the future of an entire generation of Ukrainian children.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

In Uzhgorod, a step was taken that recently seemed almost impossible: the foundation was laid for the restoration of the wooden synagogue from the village of Velyki Komyaty in Transcarpathia at the Transcarpathian Museum of Folk Architecture and Life. This is a rare monument of Jewish heritage that was dismantled, transported to the regional center, and is now planned to be recreated in the open-air museum. According to Ukrainian and specialized Jewish sources, this object is indeed one of the very few surviving wooden synagogues in Eastern Europe, and after restoration, it should become part of the museum’s exhibition and simultaneously a space for cultural and religious life.

This was reported by the Transcarpathian Regional Council.

For the Israeli audience, this news is important not only as a local history plot from Transcarpathia.

It directly concerns the theme of preserving Jewish memory in Eastern Europe — the very memory that has been disappearing for decades along with communities, buildings, cemeteries, and local stories. Against the backdrop of war, destruction, and general instability, the very idea of not just preserving the remnants of a building but transporting it, saving it, and returning it to public space looks like a rare example of Jewish heritage in Ukraine not only surviving but literally getting a second life.

Why the history of this synagogue goes far beyond Transcarpathia

The ceremony itself took place on April 15, 2026, on the territory of the Uzhgorod open-air museum. According to Suspilne, a stone and a commemorative certificate were laid in the foundation at that time, and the museum director Vasyl Kotsan clarified that the building had already been dismantled and transported to Uzhgorod. The restoration was divided into three stages: first dismantling and transportation, then the foundation and construction, and after that — the arrangement of the building itself and the space around it. The work is planned to be completed in September–October 2026.

The project was initially not a local initiative of one museum. It is based on the cooperation of the museum, local authorities, Jewish structures, and the Hungarian side.

Jewish Heritage Europe wrote back in the fall of 2025 that the relocation of the synagogue was the result of a memorandum of cooperation between several participants, including the Consulate General of Hungary in Uzhgorod, the museum, representatives of the Transcarpathian administration, and the Jewish community. Already in April 2026, Ukrainian regional sources confirmed that the project had moved from the stage of agreements to the practical phase of construction.

This is especially important because it is not about reconstruction “from scratch” based on designers’ fantasies.

Specialists previously performed architectural measurements, drawings, and descriptions of the object. The Center for Jewish Art at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem records the existence of this wooden synagogue in Velyki Komyaty, publishes its photos and drawings, and also classifies it among the wooden synagogues of Transcarpathia. Thus, the restorers have a scientific basis that allows them not just to build a stylization but to try to restore the historical appearance of the monument as accurately as possible.

What makes it truly unique

In Ukrainian publications, the object is often called the only such synagogue in Europe. Here, the accuracy of formulations is important. It is more reliable to say this: it is one of the last surviving wooden synagogues in Eastern Europe and an exceptionally rare example of Jewish wooden sacred architecture that has survived to this day. This cautious but convincing assessment is given by specialized sources studying the Jewish heritage of the region.

For the reader in Israel, this nuance is not technical but fundamental. When the media writes “the only one in Europe” without verification, it sounds impressive but may raise doubts among those familiar with the history of wooden synagogues in Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, and Belarus. In this case, the value of the object does not need exaggeration. Even the formulations “rarest,” “one of the few surviving,” and “without analogs in its regional type” are more than sufficient to understand the scale of the event.

The complex fate of the building and the memory of Jewish life that was almost erased

According to Jewish Heritage Europe, the synagogue was first studied in the 1980s, and after the death of Hungarian researcher Aniko Gazda, architects from Lviv continued the work.

At that time, measurements and descriptions of the building were made. The size of the building is 13.83 by 7.92 meters. From the outside, it looks almost like a rural house, but the arched windows and some interior details reveal its true purpose. In recent decades, the building was either empty or used as a utility room or warehouse.

It is worth noting separately that there is a discrepancy in the sources regarding the dating. In news publications, it is sometimes attributed to the mid-19th century, but the Center for Jewish Art’s database indicates the first half of the 20th century, and Jewish Heritage Europe — the late 19th or early 20th century. For a quality text, it is more correct not to present one controversial date as final but to honestly indicate that researchers differ in more precise dating but agree on the main point: this is a historical object of exceptional rarity that has long been under threat of loss.

Suspilne also provides another important detail that returns this story to a human dimension.

According to a project participant, more than 400 Jews from the village of Velyki Komyaty were deported to Auschwitz during the Holocaust. Therefore, the restoration of the synagogue is not only about working with wood, beams, and foundation. It is an attempt to restore the visibility of the Jewish life that was once a full-fledged part of the local world and was then almost completely destroyed.

In this place, it is especially appropriate to say why such stories are important for Israel as well. Jewish statehood has long become not only a political but also a civilizational response to the disappearance of communities that lived in Europe for centuries. When a synagogue doomed to final destruction is restored in Ukraine, it works not only as a museum project. It is a return of voice to those places where Jewish presence was attempted to be erased by war, Nazism, Soviet neglect, and time. And it is precisely such stories that NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency should notice and explain to the Israeli reader not as an exotic from Transcarpathia but as part of a large Jewish historical map.

Who is involved in the restoration and how much it costs

According to Suspilne, the first stage — dismantling and transportation — cost about 903 thousand hryvnias. The second stage, related to the formation of the foundation and construction, is estimated at 3.5 million hryvnias. The museum director also clarified that for full restoration, about 40% of the structure will have to be made from new material, as some of the original elements did not withstand time.

This is also an important point for understanding the scale of the project. It is not about cosmetic repairs. Specialists are essentially reassembling the monument, trying to preserve as many authentic elements as possible, but at the same time preventing the object from collapsing after the ceremonial opening. Such an approach usually causes disputes among restorers, but in cases where the monument has stood without proper care for decades, a compromise between authenticity and physical survival becomes inevitable. This project is precisely at such a point.

How the foundation was laid, who participated, and what was said

The ceremonial ceremony took place on April 15 on the territory of the Transcarpathian Museum of Folk Architecture and Life in Uzhgorod. On this day, a stone was laid in the foundation of the future restored synagogue from the village of Velyki Komyaty, along with a commemorative certificate. The event itself became not just a technical start of work but a public symbol of the beginning of the rescue of a rare monument of Jewish heritage in Transcarpathia.

The ceremony was attended by representatives of regional authorities, international partners, diplomats, Jewish organizations, and representatives of the local community.

Among the participants were the chairman of the Transcarpathian Regional Council Roman Saray, Deputy Head of the OVA Yuriy Guzynets, Consul General of Hungary in Uzhgorod József Bocskai, President of the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine Rabbi Meir Stambler, Chairman of the Presidium of the Public Foundation of Hungarian Jewish Heritage MAZSÖK György Szabó, as well as ambassadors of Transcarpathia Alex Rovt and Gennady Gutman. Representatives of the Jewish community of the region were also present at the ceremony.

A separate role in the event was played by museum workers and specialists involved in the restoration project itself.

Museum director Vasyl Kotsan explained that the building had already been dismantled and transported to Uzhgorod, and the restoration would take place in three stages. According to him, the first stage — dismantling and transportation — cost almost a million hryvnias, and at the second stage, which includes the formation of the foundation and construction, the parties were just moving to sign a new agreement. He clarified that the cost of the second stage is 3.5 million hryvnias, and among the signatories will be the Consulate General of Hungary in Uzhgorod, Jewish associations, charitable foundations, the museum itself, the Transcarpathian Regional Council, and the regional state administration.

Roman Saray in his speech emphasized not only the architectural but also the historical value of the object. He stressed that the wooden synagogue from Velyki Komyaty is not just an old building but a living witness to the centuries-old history of the region and a symbol of the multicultural Transcarpathia that the region is proud of.

According to him, not so long ago, this mid-19th-century monument was under threat of complete disappearance, but thanks to the joint efforts of regional authorities, international partners, the MAZSÖK foundation, the Consulate General of Hungary, restorers, and museum specialists, it was possible to start a large-scale project to save it.

In his words, there was also a practical emphasis on the future of the object. Saray stated that after the completion of the work, the synagogue will become not only an adornment of the museum’s exhibition but also an important point on the tourist map of the region. In addition, he separately thanked everyone who participated in the preparation of the complex project: specialists who carefully marked each detail during dismantling, scientists working on restoring lost interior fragments, as well as patrons and ambassadors of Transcarpathia, in particular Alex Rovt and Gennady Gutman.

The speech of Rabbi from Hungary Baruch Oberlander was also significant.

He emphasized that the restoration of this synagogue is important not only for the Jewish community but also for all of Transcarpathia. In his words, there was a direct connection between the fate of the building and the fate of the people: he reminded that more than 400 Jews from the village of Velyki Komyaty were sent to Auschwitz. Therefore, the current work, in his assessment, is important also because it restores the memory of the Jewish life that once flourished here. He separately noted the significance of the efforts of Uzhgorod Rabbi Menachem Mendel Wilhelm, calling this work very important.

Thus, the opening ceremony of the construction phase was structured not only as the official start of the project but also as an act of historical memory. It combined several meanings at once: the rescue of a rare monument, international cooperation, the return of Jewish history of Transcarpathia to the public space, and an attempt to show that it is not about museum formality but about restoring an important fragment of the lost world.

What Uzhgorod will get and why it can become a point of attraction for Europe and Israel

After the completion of the work, the synagogue should become not just another museum house in the open-air museum.

According to Jewish Heritage Europe and Ukrainian sources, it is planned to be used not only as an exhibit but also as a space for the cultural and spiritual life of the Jewish community. This sharply increases the value of the project: the object will not exist as a dead backdrop for excursions but will have a chance to perform at least part of its historical function again.

For tourism, this is also a strong story. Uzhgorod and Transcarpathia have long been perceived as a territory of intersection of Ukrainian, Hungarian, Jewish, Slovak, Rusyn, and Central European cultures. If the project is completed qualitatively, the restored synagogue may become one of the most notable points of Jewish heritage in the region — and not only for Ukrainian tourists but also for researchers, pilgrims, descendants of Transcarpathian Jews, as well as Israelis interested in memory routes in Eastern Europe.

Against the backdrop of constant news about the destruction of monuments, war, and loss, this story stands out precisely because it is about salvation.

Not about a declaration, not about a memorial plaque, and not about a beautiful statement for social networks, but about a real attempt to pull from oblivion one of the last material traces of Jewish Transcarpathia. And in this sense, the news from Uzhgorod is indeed more than a regional event. It is a reminder that Jewish memory in Europe can not only disappear but also return — if there are people ready to fight for it.

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“The Sataniv Jewish cemetery operated for almost 500 years. The ancient core of the cemetery is the burial of the 15th, 17th, 18th, and early 19th centuries. It numbers about one thousand tombstones. This period marks the flourishing of the carving art of the Jewish people.”

In the Horodok district of the Khmelnytsky region of Ukraine, ancient cemeteries are being studied. This is done within the framework of the “Graves of Ancestors” project in cooperation with the public organization “Ukraine Incognita.” Fourteen Ukrainian, Polish, and Jewish cemeteries have already been studied. The Jewish ones are the best preserved.

What the texts, ornaments, embossed images, and inscriptions on the matzevot tell about was explained by the head of the department of culture, religions, and tourism of the Horodok City Council, Oleh Fedorov, in a report by “Suspilne”.

This is the old part of the Sataniv Jewish cemetery. Burials here date back to the 16th – early 19th century.

“This is one of the most beautiful tombstones of the Sataniv necropolis. It is not the oldest, it is from 1800. Here lies Sarah, the daughter of Rabbi Meir from Lviv,” said researcher and local historian Dmytro Polyukhovych.

Researcher and local historian, member of the public organization “Incognita Ukraine” Dmytro Polyukhovych says the tombstones are decorated in the Baroque style and have a number of symbols.

“It is said here that the girl buried here is righteous in her deeds, modest. This is a very romantic epitaph: ‘for this beauty, which will decay in the ground, I weep.’ Here we see symbols of maiden purity: does — a symbol of maiden purity and beauty, resting — a symbol of innocence and purity, lions — a symbol of the Jewish people. And this is actually a portal.

On another tombstone ceiling, matzevot, three hares are depicted. They have become symbols of the three world religions.

“The image of three hares first appears in China, in a Buddhist cave monastery and dates back to the 4th century AD. In Europe, it became a symbol of Christianity: three hares, each separately and all together — one whole. Such an image is found in many Christian medieval churches of the 10th-11th centuries in Western Europe. And from there it already reaches the Jews,” said the researcher and local historian.

And this is a woman’s grave from 1799. Wolves with prey are depicted on the tombstone — a symbol of premature death. This monument is the most saturated with symbols of death, said Dmytro Polyukhovych.

“This is a symbol of premature death. Next, we see a candlestick, a five-branched one, which is characteristic of women’s tombstones. It indicated that the woman was righteous and has a five-branched candlestick. However, instead of the central candle, there is an eagle, the fifth. The candle holders themselves are very interesting here. We see snakes, in whose mouths candles are inserted.”

According to Dmytro Polyukhovych, The Sataniv necropolis is one of the oldest Jewish necropolises in Ukraine.

“The Sataniv cemetery operated for almost 500 years. The ancient core of the cemetery is the burial of the 15th, 17th, 18th, and early 19th centuries. It numbers about one thousand tombstones. This period marks the flourishing of the carving art of the Jewish people.”

The head of the department of culture, religions, and tourism of the Horodok City Council, Oleh Fedorov, said that the cemetery research was conducted by their department within the framework of the “Graves of Ancestors” project in cooperation with the public organization “Ukraine Incognita.” In total, fourteen cemeteries have already been studied.

“The Jewish cemeteries of the 17th-18th century are best preserved here because they were usually in such inaccessible public places, on high hills, so they are better preserved. This is truly a museum of stone carving,” said Oleh Fedorov.

According to Oleh Fedorov, The Sataniv Jewish necropolis deserves the status of a national monument.

Other News of Israel and the world read on the channels NiKK News of Israel Nikk.Agency in

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22 апреля 2026 года Израиль отмечает 78-ю годовщину своей Независимости. Именно на эту дату в 2026 году приходится 5 ияра 5786 по еврейскому календарю — день, который соответствует 5 ияра 5708, когда было провозглашено Государство Израиль. Исторически само провозглашение состоялось 14 мая 1948 года в Тель-Авиве.

Это не просто памятная дата в календаре. Речь идет о событии, которое стало поворотным моментом для еврейского народа после Катастрофы, британского мандата, международных споров о будущем Палестины и уже начавшегося вооруженного противостояния. После завершения Второй мировой войны и уничтожения почти трети еврейской общины Европы инициативы по созданию еврейского государства приобрели особое значение. В этот день было не только провозглашено государство, но и начался новый этап борьбы за суверенитет.

Как Израиль подошел к независимости

После Второй мировой войны вопрос о будущем еврейского населения в подмандатной Палестине уже невозможно было откладывать.

Британия продолжала ограничивать еврейскую репатриацию, несмотря на то что сотни тысяч переживших Холокост нуждались в убежище и новой жизни. Для еврейского ишува это означало, что борьба шла уже не только за политическое признание, но и за физическое и национальное выживание.

Ответом на британские ограничения стало создание «Еврейского движения сопротивления», целью которого была борьба с мандатной властью за открытие путей в Палестину. За четыре года, с 1944 по 1948-й, нелегально и тайно, несмотря на морскую блокаду, в страну было переправлено около 85 тысяч человек. Именно этот фон помогает понять, почему идея независимости воспринималась тогда не как дипломатическая абстракция, а как жизненная необходимость.

Переломным международным моментом стало решение Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН от 29 ноября 1947 года о разделе Палестины на еврейское и арабское государства. Однако это решение не принесло мира. Напротив, оно вызвало протесты со стороны арабских стран, а война между арабами и евреями фактически началась еще до окончания британского мандата и продолжалась вплоть до 14 мая 1948 года.

«С тех пор, как наши предки мечтали о возвращении на Землю Обетованную, эта мечта стала реальностью», — этими словами Давид Бен-Гурион выразил смысл исторического момента, в котором для еврейского народа соединились память, политическая воля и реальное восстановление государственности.

Как принимали Декларацию Независимости

14 мая 1948 года в 16:00 Давид Бен-Гурион открыл церемонию в Тель-Авивском музее и зачитал Декларацию Независимости. Документ был провозглашен в последние часы перед окончанием британского мандата. Время выбрали так, чтобы успеть до Шаббата, а сама церемония прошла быстро и в напряженной обстановке военного времени.

Здание для церемонии выбрали не случайно. Это был бывший дом Меира Дизенгофа на бульваре Ротшильда, где тогда располагался Тель-Авивский музей изобразительных искусств. Предпочтение отдали менее заметному месту, чтобы избежать религиозной или партийной подоплеки и одновременно учитывать риск возможной бомбежки. Приглашения были разосланы утром 14 мая с просьбой хранить событие в секрете.

Подготовка текста шла в последние дни буквально в авральном режиме. Декларацию рассматривали в течение пяти дней, начиная с 9 мая 1948 года. В ее подготовке участвовали Давид Бен-Гурион, Моше Шерток, Цви Беренсон и Пинхас Розен, а окончательная версия была утверждена на заседании Народного совета в 15:00 14 мая — всего за час до начала церемонии.

Во время обсуждения спорили не только о политических формулировках, но и о символическом языке документа.

Обсуждались вопросы границ, название будущего государства и упоминание Бога в заключительной части. Среди предлагавшихся вариантов названия были «Эрец-Исраэль» и «Сион», однако в итоге было принято название «Государство Израиль» — מְדִינַת יִשְׂרָאֵל, а в заключительной части текста использовали компромиссную формулу «Твердыня Израиля» — צוּר יִשְׂרָאֵל, приемлемую и для светских, и для религиозных кругов.

Есть в этой истории и почти кинематографическая деталь. Окончательный текст Декларации спешно отпечатали и доставили к месту церемонии в 15:59. По дороге машину, которая везла документ, остановила полиция за превышение скорости, но водитель, даже не имея прав, сумел избежать штрафа, объяснив, что иначе задержится провозглашение нового государства.

После зачтения Декларации документ подписали члены Народного совета. Важно помнить, что в зале лично расписались 25 человек, а еще 12 мест оставили для тех, кто не смог присутствовать, в том числе из-за осажденного Иерусалима. Таким образом, полный корпус подписантов насчитывал 37 человек. Церемония транслировалась радиостанцией «Коль Исраэль».

Декларация также предусматривала созыв Учредительного собрания, которое должно было принять конституцию. В январе 1949 года такое собрание действительно было избрано, а вскоре получило название Кнессет первого созыва. В дальнейшем было решено идти путем принятия основных законов, которые и должны были со временем составить основу формальной конституции государства.

Девять подписантов, родившихся на территории нынешней Украины

Особое место в этой истории занимает тот факт, что девять подписантов Декларации независимости родились на территории нынешней Украины. Это подчеркивает глубокую историческую связь между Израилем и еврейской жизнью на украинских землях.

Моше Шерток, впоследствии Шарет, родился в Херсоне и стал одним из ключевых создателей израильской дипломатии, а позже занял пост второго премьер-министра Израиля.

Ицхак Бен-Цви родился в Полтаве, был видным сионистским деятелем и историком, а затем стал вторым президентом Государства Израиль.

Кальман Кахана родился в Бродах, на территории нынешней Львовской области, и представлял религиозно-сионистское направление, сыграв заметную роль в политической жизни молодого государства.

Рахель Коэн-Каган родилась в Одессе и вошла в историю как одна из немногих женщин среди подписантов Декларации независимости, активно занимавшаяся вопросами прав женщин и общественной деятельности.

Голда Меирсон, ставшая позже Голдой Меир, родилась в Киеве и со временем превратилась в одну из самых известных фигур в истории Израиля, возглавив правительство страны.

Даниэль Остер родился в селе Княгини, которое сегодня является частью Ивано-Франковска, и стал известным общественным деятелем, а также первым еврейским мэром Иерусалима в период британского мандата.

Берл Репетур родился в Ружине на территории нынешней Житомирской области и был деятелем рабочего сионистского движения, участвовавшим в формировании государственных структур Израиля.

Мордехай Шатнер родился в Снятыне, в нынешней Ивано-Франковской области, был активистом сионистского движения и вошел в число подписантов документа о создании еврейского государства.

Бен-Цион Штернберг родился в Черновцах и принадлежал к поколению общественных деятелей, участвовавших в создании политического и общественного фундамента будущего Израиля.

Все подписанты Декларации независимости Израиля

Полный список подписантов показывает, что новое государство создавали представители разных политических и общественных течений еврейского ишува — от социалистов и общих сионистов до религиозных деятелей и представителей восточных общин.

• Бен-Гурион, Давид (דָּוִד בֶּן־גּוּרְיוֹן) — главный лидер ишува, зачитавший Декларацию и ставший первым премьер-министром Израиля.
• Бен-Цви, Ицхак (יִצְחָק בֶּן־צְבִי) — сионистский деятель, историк и будущий второй президент Израиля.
• Бентов, Мордехай (מָרְדֳּכַי בֶּנְטוֹב) — представитель левого сионистского лагеря и один из лидеров Мапам.
• Берлинье, Элиягу (אֵלִיָּהוּ בֶּרְלִינֶה) — ветеран общественной жизни ишува и один из старейших подписантов.
• Бернштейн, Фриц (פְרִיץ בֶּרְנְשְׁטֵיין) — политик и экономический деятель из лагеря общих сионистов.
• Варди, Герцль (הֶרְצְל וַרְדִּי) — журналист и общественный деятель.
• Варгафтиг, Зерах (זֶרַח וַרְהַפְטִיג) — юрист, религиозный сионистский политик и будущий министр.
• Вильнер, Меир (מֵאִיר וִילְנֶר) — самый молодой из подписантов и представитель коммунистического лагеря.
• Гольд, Вольф (ווֹלְף גּוֹלְד) — видный деятель религиозного сионизма.
• Грабовский, Меир (מֵאִיר גְּרַבּוֹבְסְקִי), позже Аргов — деятель рабочего движения и будущий парламентарий.
• Грановский, Авраам (אַבְרָהָם גְּרָנוֹבְסְקִי), позже Гранот — руководитель в сфере земельной политики и Еврейского национального фонда.
• Грюнбаум, Ицхак (יִצְחָק גְּרִינְבּוֹים) — один из заметных сионистских политиков довоенного и раннего израильского периода.
• Добкин, Элиягу (אֵלִיָּהוּ דוֹבְקִין) — один из руководителей национальных институтов ишува, занимавшийся вопросами репатриации и организации.
• Кахана, Кальман (קַלְמָן כַּהֲנָא) — представитель религиозно-сионистского направления и будущий израильский политик.
• Каплан, Элиэзер (אֱלִיעֶזֶר קַפְּלָן) — будущий первый министр финансов Израиля.
• Кацнельсон, Авраам (אַבְרָהָם כַּצְנֶלְסוֹן) — врач и общественный деятель рабочего сионизма.
• Кобаши, Саадия (סַעַדְיָה כֻּבָּאשִׁי) — представитель йеменской еврейской общины среди подписантов.
• Коль, Моше (מֹשֶׁה קוֹל) — общественный и политический деятель, позже министр.
• Коэн-Каган, Рахель (רָחֵל כֹּהֵן־כָּגָן) — общественная деятельница и одна из двух женщин среди подписантов.
• Левин, Ицхак-Меир (יִצְחָק־מֵאִיר לֵוִין) — лидер религиозного лагеря и представитель ортодоксального политического направления.
• Левенштейн, Меир Давид (מֵאִיר דָּוִד לוֶנְשְׁטֵיין) — религиозный общественный деятель, связанный с Агудат Исраэль.
• Лурия, Цви (צְבִי לוּרְיָא) — деятель рабочего сионистского движения и национальных институтов.
• Меирсон, Голда (גּוֹלְדָּה מֵאִירְסוֹן), позже Меир — будущий премьер-министр и одна из самых известных фигур в истории Израиля.
• Нир, Нахум (נַחוּם נִיר) — политический деятель рабочего лагеря, позже спикер Кнессета.
• Остер, Даниэль (דָּנִיֵּאל אוֹסְטֶר) — общественный деятель и первый еврейский мэр Иерусалима в подмандатный период.
• Пинкас, Давид-Цви (דָּוִד־צְבִי פִּנְקָס) — религиозный сионистский политик и будущий министр.
• Репетур, Берл (בֶּרֶל רֶפֶּטוּר) — деятель рабочего движения и участник формирования институтов нового государства.
• Ремез, Давид (דָּוִד רֶמֶז) — один из лидеров рабочего сионизма и государственный деятель раннего периода.
• Розенблют, Феликс (פֶּלִיקְס רוֹזֶנְבְּלוּת), позже Пинхас Розен — юрист и первый министр юстиции Израиля.
• Сегаль, Цви (צְבִי סֶגַל) — общественный деятель ишува и представитель национальных структур того времени.
• Шапира, Хаим-Моше (חַיִּים־מֹשֶׁה שַׁפִּירָא) — религиозный сионистский лидер и будущий министр в нескольких правительствах.
• Шатнер, Мордехай (מָרְדֳּכַי שַׁטְנֶר) — сионистский активист и участник государственного строительства раннего Израиля.
• Шерток, Моше (מֹשֶׁה שֶׁרְתוֹק), позже Шарет — один из архитекторов израильской дипломатии, будущий министр иностранных дел и премьер-министр.
• Шитрит, Бехор-Шалом (בְּכוֹר־שָׁלוֹם שִׁטְרִית) — будущий министр полиции и один из наиболее заметных сефардских подписантов.
• Штернберг, Бен-Цион (בֶּן־צִיּוֹן שְׁטֶרְנְבֶּרְג) — общественный деятель поколения основателей государства.
• Фишман, Иегуда-Лейб (יְהוּדָה־לֵיבּ פִישְׁמָן), Маймон — религиозный сионистский лидер и раввин.
• Цизлинг, Аарон (אַהֲרֹן צִיזְלִינְג) — лидер левого сионистского лагеря и будущий министр сельского хозяйства.

Где Декларация?

Во время церемонии 14 мая 1948 года Бен-Гурион фактически читал не с полностью готового свитка: каллиграф Отэ Валлиш не успел закончить весь текст к началу церемонии, поэтому готова была только нижняя часть, а полный свиток завершили позже, в июне 1948 года.

После этого Декларация стала одним из главных государственных документов Израиля. Оригинал хранится в Государственном архиве Израиля, причем в специальных условиях сохранности; архив также показывает оригинальный серебряный футляр для свитка. В некоторых описаниях архивной и музейной экспозиции подчеркивается, что свиток состоит из трех частей, которые позже были приведены к единому виду для сохранения документа.

Для публичного показа обычно используют копии или факсимиле, а не сам оригинал. Кнессет прямо указывает, что копию свитка можно увидеть у них, а оригинал связан с хранением в архиве.

Если же говорить не только о физическом свитке, а о юридической судьбе Декларации, то она не стала полноценной конституцией Израиля. В тексте был заложен замысел созвать Учредительное собрание и принять конституцию, но вместо этого Израиль пошел по пути принятия Основных законов. При этом сама Декларация осталась важнейшим учредительным и ценностным документом государства и регулярно используется как базовый исторический и интерпретационный ориентир.

Война началась сразу после провозглашения

Провозглашение государства не принесло немедленного мира. Практически сразу после этого на территорию нового Израиля вторглись армии пяти арабских стран, и началась война, которая продолжалась около пятнадцати месяцев. Для молодого государства это была не абстрактная борьба за статус, а вопрос выживания. В этой войне погибло более шести тысяч евреев, однако Израиль не только выстоял, но и начал путь к созданию мощной и процветающей страны.

Цена независимости оказалась очень высокой. Но именно эта война закрепила реальность израильской государственности. Израиль сумел создать основы армии, дипломатии, управления и национальной консолидации в условиях прямой угрозы уничтожения.

Почему эта годовщина важна в 2026 году

22 апреля 2026 года напоминает, что государственность Израиля родилась не в спокойной международной обстановке и не как результат формального дипломатического компромисса. Она возникла в момент, когда еврейский народ оказался перед необходимостью самостоятельно отвечать за свою судьбу, безопасность и будущее.

Именно поэтому годовщина независимости остается для Израиля не только праздничной датой, но и днем исторической памяти.

В ней соединяются радость восстановления государства, память о жертвах войны, опыт национального самоопределения и понимание того, какой ценой была достигнута независимость.

Особенно выразительно в этом контексте выглядит и украинское измерение этой истории. Среди подписантов Декларации независимости было немало людей, родившихся в Херсоне, Полтаве, Киеве, Одессе, Черновцах, Бродах, Снятине, Ружине и Княгини. Это еще одно напоминание о том, что история Израиля складывалась не в одном городе и не в одной стране, а через судьбы людей, чьи корни уходили в самые разные части еврейского мира.

14 мая стало для Израиля символом борьбы за достоинство и свободу, а память об этих событиях продолжает вдохновлять и сегодня. В израильском календаре эта историческая точка в 2026 году отмечается 22 апреля, и для многих она остается напоминанием о том, что независимость никогда не была подарком — она всегда требовала воли, жертвы и готовности защищать свое будущее. В более широком восточноевропейском контексте эта дата звучит и как напоминание о том, насколько тесно переплетены истории Израиля и Украины.

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On the evening of April 20, 2026, Israel enters one of the most difficult and unifying days of the national calendar — Memorial Day for the Fallen Soldiers of Israel and Victims of Terrorism. This is not just a state date before Independence Day, but a moment when the country literally stops to once again remember the price paid for the Jewish people’s right to their own state, their own army, and their own security. According to official data, since 1860, 25,648 men and women have died defending the Land of Israel and its people, and 5,313 people have become victims of terror and violence against civilians.

For the Israeli audience, this date in 2026 sounds particularly poignant. The country continues to live in the shadow of the aftermath of the October 7 massacre, under constant threat from terrorist organizations in Gaza and Lebanon, as well as their main sponsor — the Iranian regime. That is why Yom HaZikaron this year is perceived not as a ritual of the past, but as part of the current Israeli reality, where memory, war, security, and statehood are once again united in one painful line.

Why Memorial Day in Israel is always next to Independence Day

The calendar proximity of Yom HaZikaron and Yom HaAtzmaut in Israel is no accident. In Israeli logic, it is one continuous national narrative: first the memory of the fallen, then the celebration of independence. The meaning of this proximity is perfectly clear even to those who have recently moved to the country: Israel’s independence has never been free.

The fourth day of the month of Iyar in the Hebrew calendar is dedicated to those who died for freedom, security, and the restoration of Jewish sovereignty. On this day, the state does not just mourn. It reminds society that modern Israel did not emerge as an abstract diplomatic project, but as a result of years of struggle, self-defense, war, and sacrifice.

On the evening of April 20, ceremonies begin with a minute-long siren of remembrance at 8:00 PM Israeli time. At this moment, the country comes to a standstill. Official events are held with the participation of the president, army command, security service leaders, families of the fallen, and the general public. This very combination emphasizes that it is not only about military memory but also about a civic national experience that affects almost every Israeli family directly or through close circles.

Numbers behind which stand families, orphans, and unhealed trauma

Dry statistics on such days sound almost unbearable, but they show the scale of Israel’s price.

Since 1860, 25,648 people have died defending the country and its people. This number includes fighters of early Jewish guard formations, underground organizations of Mandatory Palestine, soldiers of the Jewish Brigade during World War II, IDF soldiers, police officers, Shin Bet employees, Mossad, and prison service personnel. In the past year, 174 Israelis died in the line of duty, and 54 disabled veterans passed away.

Equally heavy are the numbers related to civilian victims of terror. Since 1851, terror and violence against civilians have claimed the lives of 5,313 people. Among them are 810 children and teenagers, 223 foreign citizens, and 122 Israelis killed by terrorists abroad. In the past year alone, 79 people became victims of terror.

A special place in this tragic statistics is occupied by October 7, 2023, and the subsequent war. Published data emphasizes that most of those killed by terrorists are victims of Hamas attacks, assaults in the south, Hezbollah strikes in the north, and Iranian rocket terror against the Israeli civilian population. The atrocities of October 7 claimed the lives of 778 civilians, left 630 orphans, 177 widows and widowers, 1,355 people without siblings, and 693 parents who lost children. These numbers explain why in 2026, national mourning in Israel has not become quieter — it has, on the contrary, gained a new generation of pain.

How Israel will mark Yom HaZikaron in 2026

The central state ceremony opening Memorial Day will be held at the Western Wall in Jerusalem and broadcast live at 8:00 PM. An address by Israeli President Isaac Herzog, participation of IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, Rabbi of the Western Wall Shmuel Rabinowitz, and Jerusalem Mayor Moshe Leon are expected. The very location — at the Kotel — once again emphasizes that in the Israeli consciousness, the memory of the fallen is connected not only with the army but also with history, faith, Jerusalem, and the continuity of Jewish presence on this land.

Throughout the country, before Memorial Day, Israeli flags with mourning ribbons are placed on the graves of the fallen. Families of the deceased receive special messages signed by state leaders. For some, this is an official tradition, while for others, it is the only reminder that their personal loss remains part of national memory.

At 7:55 PM in Latrun, an English-language memorial ceremony organized by Masa Israel for diaspora Jewish communities will begin. Later, at 9:00 PM, the traditional artistic event ‘Singing Their Memory’ will take place in the Knesset. Such events are important not only as part of the protocol. They show that Israeli memory operates in several dimensions — state, family, international, and Jewish global.

It is in this context that the role of the media, which addresses society not only through news but also through a historical framework, becomes particularly clear. НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency on such days effectively reminds the Russian-speaking audience of Israel that this is not just a commemorative date in the calendar, but a living structure of national memory, where behind every number are names, faces, and families.

What will happen on April 21

The next day, April 21, at 11:00 AM, a two-minute siren will sound across the country, opening mourning ceremonies at 52 military cemeteries and memorials in Israel. The main ceremony will be held on Mount Herzl in the National Memorial Hall with the participation of the president, prime minister, defense minister, chief of staff, and security service leaders. Throughout the day, servicemen will read the names of the fallen in the Hall of Remembrance.

This element of Israeli tradition has special power. As long as a name is spoken, the person remains part of the living national history. For a country that, since October 7, is once again experiencing an acute sense of existential threat, this is not a symbolic formality but a way to maintain the moral center of society.

Why Yom HaZikaron in 2026 is especially important for Israel

Today’s Memorial Day takes place against the backdrop of ongoing military tension, unresolved trauma after the Hamas attack, and a general feeling that Israel is once again in an era of prolonged struggle for the security of its borders. Therefore, Yom HaZikaron in 2026 is not only a look back but also a harsh reminder of the present.

On this day, Israel remembers not abstract heroes but specific people, thanks to whom the state itself exists. And that is why the transition from the siren of remembrance to the celebration of independence remains one of the country’s strongest and most honest rituals. First mourning. Then gratitude. Then understanding that the sovereignty of the Jewish state continues to require courage, mobilization, and readiness to defend itself.

For Israelis, this is not just history. It is a reality that sounds in the siren, is visible in the cemeteries, is heard in the names of the fallen, and is felt in every home where the memory of war and terror has long become part of the family biography.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

“Jews and Ukrainians. Our peoples have not lived side by side for ten, or a hundred, or even a thousand years.”

This is how the story begins about the complex and deep relations between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples on the channel “History of Ukraine named after T.G. Shevchenko.”

Channel “History of Ukraine named after T.G. Shevchenko” – a dive into the past

YouTube channel “History of Ukraine in the name of T.G. Shevchenko” – https://www.youtube.com/@imtgsh — a unique resource for anyone interested in the history of Ukraine.

The authors of the channel, the Kapranov brothers, famous Ukrainian writers and researchers, create high-quality historical content that reveals complex and often forgotten pages of the past.

The Kapranov brothers are Dmitry Vitalievich Kapranov (July 24, 1967 – April 16, 2024) and Vitaly Vitalievich Kapranov (born July 24, 1967). They are known as Ukrainian writers, publishers, publicists, public figures and bloggers.

On September 4, 2019, they launched their YouTube channel called “Name of T. G. Shevchenko”dedicated to the history of Ukraine. The channel quickly became popular thanks to its interesting approach to presenting historical material.

Since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the Kapranov brothers took up arms and defended the Kyiv region as part of the Azov regiment. After finishing their service, they returned to civilian life and focused on developing their YouTube channel, continuing to talk about important moments in Ukrainian history.

Channel Features:

1. In-depth historical analysis

   Each video is a study based on facts, archival materials and expert opinions. In particular, topics such as interaction between Jews and Ukrainians are covered objectively and comprehensively.

2. Available material supply

   The channel uses simple and understandable language to make complex historical events understandable to a wide range of viewers. The videos are accompanied by illustrations, quotes and visuals that make the content even more interesting.

3. Relevance

   The videos on the channel not only cover historical events, but also help to understand their impact on modern times. This is especially important for those who want to understand the complex relationships between peoples, as in the case of Jews and Ukrainians.

Recommended Videos

• “Jews and Ukrainians: a thousand-year history of neighborhood”

  This video examines in detail the influence of Jewish communities on the development of Ukrainian lands, from the first settlements in the Black Sea region to the Khmelnytskyi region. Myths such as the “natural anti-Semitism” of Ukrainians are also discussed.

• “Blood libel and its origins”

  Historical analysis of the myth about the “blood of Christian babies”, which appeared in medieval Europe, but had no basis in Ukrainian lands.

• “The Kiev letter: the most ancient evidence of Jewish life in Rus’”

  A fascinating video about a 10th century document written by the Jewish community of Kyiv. This is one of the oldest texts mentioning Kyiv.

Why should you subscribe?

Channel “History of Ukraine in the name of T.G. Shevchenko” unique in its objectivity, depth of analysis and respect for different points of view. This is an ideal place to study history through the prism of the interaction of peoples, cultures and religions. Every viewer will find something interesting and important here.

Subscribe to the channel, leave comments and support the authors so that high-quality historical content continues to develop!

This story is not only about coexistence, but also about the mutual influence of cultures, languages, religions and socio-economic systems.

Ancient traces of Jews on Ukrainian lands

The first traces of the presence of Jews on the territory of modern Ukraine date back to pre-Christian times. In the Black Sea region and the Bosporan kingdom, artifacts with Jewish inscriptions and images of a menorah were discovered, which indicate the existence of Jewish communities in these regions already in the first millennium BC.

Interestingly, the Jewish community developed simultaneously with other civilizations such as Scythia and Sarmatia, indicating close ties between the peoples. In particular, the development of trade routes through the Caucasus and Crimea contributed to the emergence of Jewish merchants who played an important role in the economic life of the region.

Khazar Khaganate and the role of the Jews

The Khazar Khaganate, which existed on the territory of modern Ukraine in the 7th–10th centuries, became a unique example where the ruling elite adopted Judaism as the state religion. This was a rare case, since the Jewish tradition does not imply missionary work or the conversion of other peoples to their faith.

Nevertheless, the Kaganate left an important legacy: the Jewish community became part of the local elite, and the religious and cultural identity of the Jews was strengthened.

Jewish-Slavic language: a forgotten chapter of history

Living in Ukrainian lands, Jews began to speak local Slavic dialects. This language, known as Judeo-Slavic, was widespread in everyday life, but religious texts, rites and rituals were preserved exclusively in the Hebrew language. Over time, under the influence of migrations and social changes, the Jewish-Slavic language was replaced by Yiddish.

Kiev letter: evidence of ancient connections

One of the first written documents confirming the presence of Jews on Ukrainian lands is the Kiev Letter. This 10th-century document was created by the Jewish community of Kyiv and is a request for help from a fellow countryman in paying off a debt. Interestingly, this is one of the most ancient texts mentioning Kyiv, and it is kept in the library of the University of Cambridge.

Medieval Europe and the flight of Jews to the East

While Jews in Europe were subjected to persecution, pogroms and bloody slander, Kievan Rus remained relatively tolerant. This attracted Jewish communities who were looking for safer living conditions.

Numbers:

• By the beginning of the 17th century, the number of Jews in Ukrainian lands reached 50 thousand people.
• In Poland and Ukrainian lands, Jews paid taxes in communities (kagals), which gave them relative autonomy.

Khmelnytskyi region: a turning point in Jewish-Ukrainian relations

The period of the Bohdan Khmelnytsky uprising (1648–1657) became a test for Jewish communities. Despite the fact that the main causes of the uprising were related to the Polish gentry and their policies, Jews who occupied the positions of tenants and managers found themselves at the epicenter of popular anger.

Consequences of the uprising:

• About 10–20 thousand Jews died as a result of pogroms.
• Many Jews were forced to leave Ukrainian lands or convert to Christianity.
• These events were reflected in the work of Rabbi Nathan Hanover, “Deep Mud,” which describes the suffering of Jewish communities.

The Russian Empire and the Pale of Settlement

After the annexation of Ukrainian lands to the Russian Empire, Jewish communities found themselves in a zone of severe discrimination. The Pale of Settlement, pogroms and anti-Semitic laws became the new reality for Jews living in this region.

However, Ukrainians, like Jews, themselves suffered from the repressive policies of the Russian Empire. This common experience of oppression later became the basis for mutual understanding between the two peoples.

Modernity: dialogue of cultures

Today, interaction between Ukrainians and Jews remains relevant. Israel has become home to many people from Ukraine who brought elements of their culture and traditions to the country.

Our website NAnews – Israel News helps disseminate information about significant events related to Ukraine and the Jewish people. We believe that studying shared history helps us better understand the present and build bridges between peoples.

Conclusion

The history of Jews and Ukrainians is a thousand-year path of cooperation, mutual influence and, unfortunately, tragic pages. However, preserving memories and respecting common roots can be the basis for deeper mutual understanding in the future.

This article was prepared using materials from the channel “History of Ukraine in the name of T.G. Shevchenko.” We thank the authors for their detailed research, which helps illuminate important aspects of the shared history.

If you want to know more, follow our publications on NAnews – Israel News.

YouTube channel “History of Ukraine in the name of T.G. Shevchenko” – https://www.youtube.com/@imtgsh — a unique resource for anyone interested in the history of Ukraine.

Read on WhatsApp – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Read on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

On April 19, 2026, the Prime Minister of Slovakia Robert Fico released a video address on Facebook, in which he stated that the actions of the US, Israel, and Volodymyr Zelensky would allegedly eventually force the European Union to “sober up” and get rid of “ideological blinders” regarding Russia. In the same speech, he said that Slovakia is filing a lawsuit against the EU due to the cessation of Russian gas supplies and will not support a new sanctions package until the operation of the Druzhba oil pipeline is restored.

For the Israeli audience, it is important not only that Fico once again opposed the hard line towards Moscow.

More significant is the fact that Israel, in his logic, is integrated into the same line with American policy, the Ukrainian war, and European sanctions pressure. This is no longer a random slip and not a secondary background, but a direct inclusion of the Israeli theme in the debate about whether Europe should soften its stance towards Russia.

For Ukraine, the meaning of this story is also obvious.

Fico is once again using the energy conflict as a tool to pressure Kyiv and simultaneously as an argument against further support for Ukraine from the European Union. As a result, the same political formula hits in two directions at once: against European solidarity with Ukraine and against the perception of Israel as a separate regional player that can be used in someone else’s geopolitical rhetoric.

What exactly did Fico say and why is it important for Israel

The Slovak Prime Minister did not limit himself to criticizing Brussels.

He deliberately linked Middle Eastern tensions, Israel’s actions, Washington’s policy, and Zelensky’s position with the need for the EU to reconsider its attitude towards Russia. In such a formula, Israel becomes a convenient element of someone else’s argumentation: not as an independent country with its own threats and interests, but as part of a construct that explains why Europe supposedly should look at the Kremlin more leniently.

For Israel, this is a signal.

When the name of the country begins to be used in European discussions about sanctions, gas, and the war against Ukraine, it means that the Israeli agenda ceases to exist separately. It is being tried to be integrated into a broader scheme where Moscow no longer appears as the main source of threat, and attention is shifted to the “mistakes” of the US, Israel, and Kyiv. This is how political substitution works: Russia’s responsibility is blurred, and the focus shifts to those who oppose it.

Israel is important in this plot also because it itself lives in a regime of constant threat and knows firsthand the value of security, alliances, and strategic autonomy. Therefore, any attempts to use the Israeli name as an argument in favor of softening the course towards Russia inevitably go beyond Slovak domestic politics. It is already a question of how European leaders are trying to repackage the very meaning of war, sanctions, and international pressure.

Why the mention of Israel is not accidental

Fico made this statement precisely now, when the Middle East remains in a state of high tension, and the European energy system still reacts painfully to any external crisis.

In such an environment, the Israeli theme is used as an emotional amplifier. The logic is simple: if the region is hot again, if the US is involved, if Israel acts harshly, then, according to Fico, it is time for the European Union to reconsider its attitude towards Russia. This is a politically convenient but dangerous scheme because it mixes different crises into one common plot in the interests of those forces that want to weaken the European line against Moscow.

Why Ukraine is again at the center of the energy conflict

In the same address, Fico again linked the EU’s sanctions policy with the operation of the Druzhba oil pipeline.

He stated that he would not support a new sanctions package until Volodymyr Zelensky restores the pipeline. This is a continuation of a conflict that has been dragging on for several months: Hungary and Slovakia accuse Kyiv of delaying the restoration of supplies, while Ukraine talks about damage after a Russian strike and the technical complexity of repairs. Reuters reported that Zelensky in March spoke about the possibility of restoring Druzhba in about six weeks, and in April clarified that the repair should be completed in the spring.

For Ukraine, this is not just a dispute about a pipeline and oil. It is an example of how Russia, even attacking Ukrainian infrastructure, then gains a political effect in Europe. After the damage to Druzhba, Kyiv found itself under pressure not only because of the war but also because of the demands of those European countries that maintain dependence on Russian energy resources. As a result, Ukraine itself is put in a position where it is required to simultaneously repel aggression, repair the damaged system, and also not interfere with European states maintaining the usual channels of receiving Russian oil.

Against this background, Fico’s words about a lawsuit against the EU due to the ban on Russian gas show that this is not about one emotional speech, but about a consistent line.

Reuters reported on April 17 that Slovakia is going to file a lawsuit against the European Union’s decision to abandon Russian gas and seek interim measures, and the final ban on pipeline gas should come into force in the fall of 2027. That is, Bratislava is actually simultaneously arguing with Brussels, pressuring Kyiv, and building rhetoric in which Russia again appears not as a source of the problem, but as a beneficial energy argument.

What this means for Israel and Europe

Looking more broadly, Fico’s statement is not just words about gas, Ukraine, and sanctions.

It is an attempt to build a new political framework in which Europe should supposedly tire of its own principles and recognize that a hard line against Russia hinders itself. For Ukraine, such logic is dangerous because it undermines support in the EU. For Israel, it is dangerous because its actions and its very involvement in the Middle Eastern agenda begin to be used as an argument in the European discussion about whether to soften the attitude towards the Kremlin.

It is in this context that NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency draws attention to a key detail: Israel and Ukraine in Fico’s speech were not accidentally placed in the same construct. Both topics are used as a tool to pressure the European Union, but in different roles. Ukraine — as an object of blackmail through energy and sanctions. Israel — as an additional political argument that should help sell the audience the idea of European “sobering up” regarding Russia.

For the Israeli reader, the main conclusion here is simple.

When a European politician begins to place Israel, Zelensky, the US, Russian gas, and sanctions side by side, it is no longer just an eccentric statement.

It is a sign that the struggle for Europe’s attitude towards Russia goes far beyond the Ukrainian front and already affects the entire broader belt of crises — from Eastern Europe to the Middle East. And this means that Israel will increasingly have to monitor not only military threats in the region but also how its name is used in someone else’s game around Moscow, Brussels, and the future of European politics.

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In Moscow, at least three scenarios for the further development of the war against Ukraine are being considered, and only one of them allows for the freezing of the front line. This was stated against the backdrop of ongoing hostilities by the head of the Center for Countering Disinformation of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Andriy Kovalenko. The very framing of the question is important because it shows that the Kremlin is not thinking about genuine peace, but about various forms of continued pressure — military, political, and informational.

For the Israeli audience, this is not an abstract Eastern European discussion. If one of the Russian scenarios indeed involves a transition from the war against Ukraine to hybrid pressure on NATO countries closer to 2028, then it is already about a broader architecture of threats.

And when the aggressor simultaneously tests the front, propaganda, drones, sabotage groups, and the theme of ‘protecting Russians,’ it begins to resemble a familiar logic of gradual escalation, which in the Middle East they also know how to read without unnecessary illusions.

What three scenarios, according to Kovalenko, is the Kremlin considering

According to Andriy Kovalenko, the Kremlin is currently calculating at least three options for the development of the war. The first scenario is the continuation of hostilities against Ukraine at least until 2028. The bet in it is on the success of the spring-summer offensive campaign, but even in this model, as noted, it will be difficult for Russia to manage without additional mobilization.

This is an important detail.

It shows that even with all the military rhetoric, Moscow has structural limitations. A long war requires not only weapons and propaganda but also a constant replenishment of human resources. This means that the talk of war until 2028 is not just a fantasy of endless offensives, but a scenario that hinges on the internal resilience of Russia itself.

The second option is a gradual drift towards a ceasefire and freezing of the war. But even here, judging by the description, it is not about rethinking aggression, but about trying to formalize a pause in a form convenient for Moscow. That is why Russian propaganda, it is claimed, is already partially preparing the audience for such a turn, spreading theses that Putin is allegedly poorly informed about the real situation on the front, and the stalemate arose due to the generals’ lies.

Such an informational technique is well recognizable.

When a regime wants to save face, it often begins to shift responsibility down the vertical — to the entourage, the military, the executors, ‘incorrect reports.’ This allows not to completely deny the problem but also not to acknowledge one’s own strategic guilt.

Why the third scenario looks especially dangerous

The third scenario, voiced by Kovalenko, involves the continuation of the war against Ukraine with a subsequent transition to hybrid confrontation with NATO closer to 2028. Among the potential targets in this case are the Baltic countries, and the format of actions may include drone attacks and the penetration of small sabotage-reconnaissance groups.

It is here that the Ukrainian assessment goes far beyond the Ukrainian front itself.

If this scenario at least partially corresponds to real reflections in Moscow, then the Kremlin sees the war not as a separate campaign against Ukraine, but as a long arc of pressure on the entire eastern flank of Europe. And then the Ukrainian front becomes only the first and largest stage of a broader plan.

For Israel, this has a separate meaning. Israeli society knows too well that hybrid aggression rarely begins with a full-scale invasion. More often, it goes differently: first, informational agitation, then provocations, then limited strikes, then testing reactions, and only then — an attempt to move the crisis to a new phase.

How Russia may be preparing the ground for new escalation

According to Kovalenko, Russia is already preparing informational pretexts that in the future may be used as justification for expanding pressure. Among such topics are mentioned ‘military factories’ in NATO countries, as well as stories about the use of the airspace of the Baltic countries for attacks by Ukrainian drones.

This looks like typical narrative preparation.

First, an idea is thrown in, then it is repeatedly repeated through loyal platforms, then it is overgrown with details, and after that, it begins to be perceived as an allegedly natural reason for retaliatory actions. This is how a political smokescreen is built before the next round of aggression.

The topic of Narva draws particular attention. The mention of this Estonian city in such a context is not accidental: Moscow traditionally likes to look for zones where it can speculate on the theme of the Russian-speaking population, historical memory, and ‘protection of compatriots.’ It is through such plots that the Kremlin has tried for many years to legitimize interference in the affairs of neighboring states.

In addition, Russia is expanding formal powers for the use of the army abroad under the pretext of protecting those who are declared ‘persecuted Russians’ there. This is a dangerous legal-propagandistic link. First, an image of a threat is created, then a pseudo-legal basis is brought under it, and only after that does the opportunity for a ‘gray operation’ appear, which can be presented as forced.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency in this context may consider Kovalenko’s warning not as an emotional statement, but as an important signal: Russia continues to think in terms of a protracted war, where informational preparation and military pressure go hand in hand, and Ukraine remains only the central, but not necessarily the last direction of attack.

Is true peace possible in such logic

Against this backdrop, the question of peace sounds especially heavy. Formally, one of the scenarios indeed involves a ceasefire and freezing of the front. But in essence, even this option does not mean the Kremlin’s abandonment of the very idea of war as a tool of politics.

This is perhaps the main conclusion.

Moscow can change the pace, form, intensity, and public rhetoric. It can pretend to seek a pause, blame the generals, complain about circumstances, or test diplomatic formulas. But if scenarios of a protracted war and hybrid aggression against NATO are maintained in parallel, then talking about genuine peace is premature.

In such a picture, Ukraine remains not just a victim of the current invasion, but a barrier that prevents Russia from moving to the next stage of pressure. That is why the initial assessment contains the idea that only the Armed Forces of Ukraine now prevent the Kremlin from realizing broader plans.

Why this topic is important for Israel

For the Israeli reader, all this matters not only because of Ukraine as such. Here, the universal logic of a revisionist power is visible, which does not stop at one crisis but constantly seeks new opportunities to expand instability, test the weak points of opponents, and use pauses only to prepare the next step.

Israel knows too well the price of complacency.

When an aggressor begins to simultaneously work through the army, special services, sabotage groups, psychological pressure, and informational constructs, it is naive to hope that one tactical pause will automatically turn into strategic peace. Therefore, Ukrainian assessments of the three Kremlin scenarios are of interest to Israel not only as news from the European front but also as a textbook on how modern authoritarian regimes plan long-term confrontation.

Based on the described logic, the most realistic question today is not ‘does the Kremlin want peace,’ but ‘what form of war does it consider beneficial for itself at the next stage.’ And it is precisely the answer to this question that largely determines not only the future of Ukraine but also the level of risk for all of Europe in the coming years.

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In March 2026, Ukraine saw Israel not as a country leading in sympathies and not as an unconditional outsider, but as a state with a controversial, unstable, and noticeably weakened image. This conclusion follows from a joint study by Active Group and Experts Club, where sociologists examined Ukrainians’ attitudes towards 50 countries among Ukraine’s largest trading partners. The survey was conducted using a self-completion questionnaire in an online panel, with 800 respondents participating, and the declared margin of error does not exceed 3.5%. The study was presented in early April 2026 at a press conference at “Interfax-Ukraine“.

For Israel, this result is unpleasant primarily because it ended up in the middle zone of perception. It is no longer the status of a country to which Ukrainian society automatically feels warmth. But it is also not a failure at the level of China or Hungary, which received much harsher assessments in the study. Israel in Ukrainian perception today is more of a country with limited sympathy, a high level of doubt, and a growing share of irritation.

What is this survey and why is it important

The study was presented in April 2026 at a press conference at “Interfax-Ukraine”. Its authors attempted to connect two planes: Ukraine’s real foreign trade and the emotional attitude of society towards partner countries. The founder of Experts Club, Maksym Urakin, directly formulated the framework of the study: modern international economics is no longer just about import and export figures, but also about trust, reputation, political proximity, humanitarian presence, and a sense of partnership at the societal level.

This is especially important during wartime.

Sociologists particularly emphasize that Ukrainian public opinion today is sensitive to the foreign policy context, the informational background, personal experience of interaction with citizens of other countries, and the perception of whether a particular state helps Ukraine achieve peace, stability, and recovery. That is why a country’s trade weight and sympathy towards it can diverge significantly.

Israel is almost perfectly indicative for such an analysis.

It is not among Ukraine’s top trading giants in the top ten of this study, but it remains a noticeable and recognizable country, whose attitude is shaped not only by economics but also by politics, war, media background, and the expectations of Ukrainian society. According to the study based on statistics from the State Customs Service of Ukraine, Israel ranks 29th in total trade turnover with Ukraine, amounting to $714.7 million; imports from Israel slightly exceed Ukrainian exports, so the bilateral balance is moderately negative for Ukraine.

Where exactly is Israel in the sympathy ranking

In March 2026, positive attitudes towards Israel amounted to 38.7%. Of these, 12.6% of respondents chose the option “completely positive,” and another 26.1% “mostly positive.” A neutral position was taken by 38.2% of respondents, which is a lot. Negative attitudes totaled 19.8%, including 14.7% “mostly negative” and 5.1% “completely negative.” Another 3.3% found it difficult to answer.

The most alarming part for Israel is not only the numbers themselves but their dynamics. In August 2025, positive attitudes towards Israel were noticeably higher at 44.7%, and negative attitudes were lower, only 13.7%. By March 2026, positivity decreased by 6 percentage points, and negativity increased by 6.1 points. This is no longer statistical noise but a tangible deterioration in the country’s reputational position in Ukrainian society.

When comparing Israel with the leaders of sympathies, the gap looks very large.

In the study, the highest levels of positive attitudes were received by Germany — 77.4%, Lithuania — 75%, France — 74%, the United Kingdom — 74%, Sweden — 72.5%, Japan — 71.8%, Italy — 70%, and the Czech Republic — 67%. Even without additional interpretations, it is clear that Israel, with its 38.7%, is not just below the leaders but almost twice as low as the first group of countries that Ukrainians perceive as the closest and most reliable.

Even countries in the so-called “medium-positive” circle look better.

The article separately mentions Poland and Turkey: 56% of respondents have a positive attitude towards Poland with 14.7% negative ratings, and 55% towards Turkey with 5.6% negative. This means that Israel lags not only behind Germany or the UK but also behind those countries around which there are also complex discussions, contradictions, and pragmatic approaches.

At the same time, Israel is indeed not in the camp of countries with an openly bad reputation.

China received only 23% positive ratings against 42% negative, Hungary — 18.6% positive against 52% negative. The USA, although still above Israel, also shows not a brilliant result: 44.1% positive against 24.7% negative. Against this background, Israel is not an anti-record but rather a middle, shaky zone where there is neither stable love nor complete rejection.

Who leads in positivity and who falls into the negative

The leaders of trust in the study are mainly countries that in Ukrainian perception are associated with clear support, political proximity, and European solidarity.

Germany, Lithuania, France, the UK, Sweden, Japan, Italy, and the Czech Republic make up the top part of the ranking. At the bottom are those whose policies cause irritation, distrust, or a sense of cynicism: China and Hungary are named by the authors as the most striking examples of poor emotional perception despite their significant role in Ukraine’s international relations.

Israel in this construct does not fall down, but it does not rise up either. This is its current problem: the country is too noticeable to dissolve into neutrality, but not clear enough to Ukrainian society to enter the circle of emotionally close partners. It is appropriate to say directly here: for the audience closely monitored by NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this is one of the most unpleasant signals of the study. It’s not about hostility towards Israel, but about losing a clear positive image.

Why Israel has declined and what it should reconsider

The authors of the study do not provide a separate long list of reasons specifically for Israel, but they give a general framework from which the conclusion is quite clear. Sociologists and participants in the presentation emphasize that attitudes towards countries are formed through political context, social media, cultural stereotypes, personal experience, and a sense of strategic partnership.

A large share of neutral responses, according to sociologists, usually indicates a lack of personal experience or a lack of a clear public image of the country.

In relation to Israel, it looks like this: almost 38.2% neutral ratings mean that a huge part of Ukrainians does not have a stable, clearly formed position.

But at the same time, the negative segment is growing.

And this already indicates that the informational background around Israel in Ukrainian society has become more contradictory, less unambiguous, and less favorable than before. This is exactly what Open4Business writes about, noting that Israel is shifting into a group of countries with a more polarized image.

There is also another important logic that Urakin directly points to.

If society sees a powerful flow of imports from a particular country but does not see a symmetrical flow of investments, technologies, localization of production, humanitarian participation, educational programs, or real involvement in recovery, a sense of imbalance arises. This is no longer just economics, but emotional politics of perception. And although this thought is formulated in the study in general terms, it is almost literally applicable to Israel.

What Israel should reconsider if it does not want to be entrenched in the Ukrainian consciousness as a “middle” country without a reserve of trust?

Firstly, the language of presence. The authors of the study directly say that foreign representations should speak to Ukrainian society not with abstract diplomatic language, but with the language of concrete benefits: jobs, investments, humanitarian projects, logistics, medicine, education, recovery. For Israel, this means that general words about friendship are not enough. Clear, visible, measurable stories of presence are needed.

Secondly, regional visibility. The study separately states that diplomatic missions should work more actively not only in Kyiv but also in the regions. This is an important signal. If a country wants a real reputational effect, it must be noticeable not only in capital offices and at the level of statements but also in universities, hospitals, energy, processing, technological clusters, and local humanitarian initiatives.

Thirdly, the link “trade plus participation.” The turnover of $714.7 million does not automatically turn into sympathy. Moreover, the small negative balance for Ukraine makes the question especially important: what does Ukrainian society get from these relations besides trade. Israel should think not only about bilateral trade exchange but also about how its participation looks in Ukrainian everyday reality — in recovery, technological partnership, medical programs, educational opportunities, and local investments.

And finally, Israel should reconsider its public image strategy in Ukraine.

Because now the numbers speak not of hatred, but of the blurring of sympathy.

And this is more dangerous than it seems.

A country perceived sharply negatively is at least understandable. A country that ends up in the middle zone risks falling out of the circle of emotionally significant partners. For a state that claims special relations with Ukraine and relies on long-term trust, this is already a serious signal.

The result of the study for Israel sounds harsh but accurate: it has not become a “bad country” for Ukrainians, but it has also ceased to be obviously “its own.”

The March 2026 survey shows Israel as a state in the middle — far from the leaders of trust, below most countries with a consistently positive image, but still outside the camp of outright negativity. And if this dynamic is not reversed, the next wave of measurements may be even less comfortable for Israel.

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Tickets are already on sale! Part of the proceeds will be donated to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Israel Defense Forces.

NAnovosti continues to follow important events in the world of music, and for all fans of Ukrainian culture in Israel, a unique offer is ready. On May 6, 2026, Tel Aviv will become the center of a musical event that many have been waiting for — a concert by Ukrainian singer YAKTAK.

YAKTAK

After a successful European tour that gathered thousands of spectators, YAKTAK will bring his music to the heart of Israel — Havana Music Club.

YAKTAK is a name that is known in many countries today. Young, but already one of the most sought-after artists of the generation, he continues to gain popularity actively. His songs “Endorphin”, “Sky”, “Gaze”, and “At Night” have already become soundtracks for thousands of stories around the world, and now Israelis will be able to hear them live.

“Silent” (soundtrack to the project “Mavka”), “C’est la vie”, “Ultramarine” and other new tracks actively playing in 2025–2026.

Listen – https://www.youtube.com/@YAKTAK_OFFICIAL

The influence of Ukrainian music on the world stage is undeniable, and it is no coincidence that YAKTAK is in the spotlight. This concert in Israel promises to be unforgettable.

The success story of YAKTAK

Yaroslav Mykolayovych Karpuk, better known by the pseudonym YAKTAK, began his career as a participant in the 5th season of the Ukrainian show “Voice. Children”, where he not only reached the super-final but also took second place. Since 2021, he has been actively developing his solo project, creating unique musical compositions and collaborating with well-known artists such as Jerry Heil, MamaRika, SOBOL, and many others.

Since February 2022, YAKTAK officially launched his solo project, and his popularity quickly gained momentum. His songs in the pop and hip-hop genres resonated with a young audience, as well as more mature listeners who appreciate sincerity and talent. In 2024, YAKTAK even participated in the national selection for the Eurovision 2024 contest, demonstrating his versatility as an artist.

This will not be just a concert. An atmosphere that cannot be conveyed in words, hits sung by the entire hall, emotions that remain for a long time — this is how the organizers describe the upcoming event. The entrance ticket will provide a unique opportunity to become part of this musical journey and support not only culture but also the military who are at the center of the struggle for the independence and security of Ukraine and Israel.

Part of the proceeds will be donated to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Israel Defense Forces

Special attention should be paid to the social component of this concert. Part of the proceeds from ticket sales will be donated to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Israel Defense Forces, emphasizing the mutual support and solidarity of the two peoples, including the Jewish people, who have deep ties with Ukraine. This event goes beyond music and becomes a symbol of unity in difficult times.

Why should you attend the YAKTAK concert in Tel Aviv?

• The musical event of the year — YAKTAK — is one of the brightest representatives of Ukrainian music on the international stage.
• Extraordinary atmosphere — YAKTAK concerts are always filled with emotions and energy that are hard to forget.
• Support for the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Israel Defense Forces — you can not only enjoy the concert but also contribute to an important cause.
• A unique opportunity for Israelis of Ukrainian descent — support for Ukrainian culture in Israel.

NAnovosti – news of Israel reminds all fans of Ukrainian music that the YAKTAK concert in Tel Aviv on May 6, 2026, is not just a concert, it is support for two nations, a meeting of cultures, and a symbol of solidarity. Tickets for the event are already on sale, and this is a chance to become part of something important, feel unity, and hear music that captures the soul.

Don’t miss this event — come, support, and enjoy beautiful music!

Tickets

YAKTAK concert in Tel Aviv: what to expect?

Date: May 6, 2026
Time: 20:00
Venue: Havana Music Club, Tel Aviv, Yigal Alon St 126
Tickets:

Link to purchase tickets

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Although they are Muslims and are often grouped with the Druze, the Circassians are neither ethnically Arabs nor even from the historical Levantine region — they are… Circassians and originate from the Black Sea region of the Caucasus.

In many ways, their history is similar to that of the Jews, with exile and genocide, preserving their culture and traditions while longing for their homeland, writes the Jerusalem Post.

Kfar Kama, one of the two Circassian villages in Israel, is located in the Lower Galilee near Kfar Tavor. This year, the UN World Tourism Organization selected it for inclusion in the list of tourist villages recommended for visiting in 2022, making it one of the 32 UNWTO-recognized “tourist villages” in the world. Last year, when this title was first given, 44 villages were chosen.

The smaller sister village of Kfar Kama, Rehaniya, is located on the border with Lebanon near Safed.

The UNWTO award ceremony will take place in Saudi Arabia on February 26, with representatives from Israel’s Ministry of Tourism and Kfar Kama attending.

The details of the actual logistics of the Israeli delegation’s visit to a country with which Israel has no official diplomatic relations have yet to be clarified, according to Nira Fisher, director of the ministry’s international relations, who accompanied Kfar Kama in the application process.

Refugee Village

“Kfar-Kama is not just another village in Israel,” stated Zakaria Napso, head of the Kfar-Kama local council.

“It is a settlement of refugees who came here a century and a half ago by force, after we were expelled… by the Russian Empire from our homeland in the Caucasus.

But despite the years that have passed, we have managed to preserve our language, culture, and cuisine. We are the largest authentic [Circassian] village. This is what sets us apart from other exiles; we make a lot of effort to preserve our traditions.”

According to him, the fact that they are so often grouped with the Druze in budgetary matters is largely due to being granted minority status by the government, serving in the army. But they work hard to make the distinctions between them known, he said.

Both Circassian villages in Israel were founded about 150 years ago — four years before Rosh Pina, the first Jewish agricultural settlement in the Galilee — survivors of the Circassian genocide and the expulsion of Circassians from their native land in the Caucasus at the end of the 101-year Russo-Circassian War.

Jewish newcomers to the Yishuv and Circassian refugees found common ground in their history of persecution by the Russians and knowledge of the Russian language, as well as cooperation in agriculture and security.

Located in an area of strategic importance to various empires, the Caucasus and its peoples found themselves caught in the crossfire of various political interests after the Russian Empire sought to impose its influence in the region between the Black and Caspian Seas (some things don’t seem to change) and rid it of predominantly Muslim ethnic tribes, including Chechens and Circassians.

The Tsarist Russian Empire and the weakening Ottoman Empire fought for control of the territory from 1763 to 1864, resulting in the death of about 2 million Circassians, with 90% of the remaining population being expelled.

The last part of the Circassian army was defeated in a bloody massacre of soldiers and civilians on May 21, 1864, in Sochi, which many Circassians considered their traditional capital. Known to Circassians as the Red Hill, it was here in 2014 that skiing and snowboarding competitions were held during the Sochi Winter Olympics. Circassians claim that the Olympic Village was built on the mass graves of their slain ancestors.

“It is very difficult for us to talk about Sochi,” said Aibek Napso, director of the Kfar Kama Circassian Heritage Center, who calls himself a third-generation Israeli. Napso is a common Circassian surname, and Aibek and Zakaria are not related.

“For Circassians, saying ‘Sochi’ is like saying ‘Auschwitz’. It is a huge cemetery under the entire Olympic [construction]. More than 230,000 bodies from my tribe are buried in Sochi… We ask every country to recognize the Circassian Genocide and the need for our own state.”

He quickly added: “We are asking for land not in Israel — there are enough conflicts here — but in the Caucasus, in a place called Circassia.”

While Georgia recognizes the Circassian genocide, Russia does not.

Despite this, Napso emphasized: “If I were born 10 times, I would choose to be born in Kfar-Kama again and again. It is like a piece of paradise.”

Arrival in the Promised Land

Survivors of the 1864 genocide sought refuge with the Ottoman Empire, which saw them as a group of experienced fighters.

“The sick man of Europe” — as the Ottoman Empire was called by Tsar Nicholas I — sent them across the sea on arduous journeys, many of which did not survive, mainly to the Middle East to protect territories under Ottoman control from nomadic Bedouin tribes in what are now Jordan, Syria, and Israel.

There are also exiled Circassian communities in Europe, the USA, and Turkey, where the majority of the community resides, but only a small Circassian community remains on the historical lands of Circassia, which are now controlled by Russia.

But in the quiet and extraordinarily clean village of Kfar-Kama, home to about 3,300 residents, the memory of the homeland is visible everywhere, in the names of streets — named after Circassian cultural traditions, regions, and 12 Circassian tribes, which are written on street signs in Hebrew, Arabic, and Circassian — and businesses with traditional Circassian names. Mount Elbrus, after which the Thakoo cheese factory is named, is the highest peak in the Caucasus Mountains in the western part of the Caucasus, on the territory that is now the Russian-Georgian border.

“Israel is the only place where you have Circassian street names,” said Aibek Napso.

Preserving Ancestral Memory

The connection to the community’s ancestral homeland, which was divided by Russia into separate southern republics of Adygea, Karachay-Cherkessia, and Kabardino-Balkaria, is also preserved in the form of traditional dishes, dances, and language, which it resolutely maintains.

Thanks to its educational system, which it has managed separately from the Arab sector since 1976, the community ensures the transmission of its culture to the younger generation.

Along with Circassian history and traditions, schoolchildren are taught the Adyghe Circassian language, as well as Hebrew, Arabic, and English. Due to its complexity, the language has been preserved mainly in spoken form.

The village has two elementary schools where boys and girls study together, and several kindergartens. Circassian youth attend the local council’s high school together with Jewish students.

“90% of the Circassian population in 50 different countries no longer speaks this language,” noted Aibek Napso. “I believe that by the end of the century, there will not be a single Circassian left on this planet.”

Since there are fewer than 5,000 Circassians in Israel, he is used to explaining to Israelis who his people are and where they come from.

“After all the time we’ve lived here, we still need to explain who we are,” he said.

Sometimes there are minor verbal skirmishes with co-religionists because, on the one hand, Circassians are Muslims. But on the other hand, they are not Arabs, he said. But overall, Circassians have good relations with everyone.

Indeed, Circassians also maintain a connection with their distant pagan past by celebrating their New Year on March 22, the day after the vernal equinox.

Many Israeli football fans know about the Circassian community thanks to Bibras Natcho, who plays as a midfielder for the Serbian club Partizan and is the captain of the Israeli national team.

In every country where they reside, Circassian communities have assimilated with the majority society, and these days, although young people from the Circassian community serve in the IDF, the community prefers to maintain neutrality regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Easy Does It

According to him, Aibek Napso hopes that inclusion in the UN list will attract more attention to the unique cultural and historical heritage of his community. At the same time, however, he said he intends to help implement a careful and measured process of attracting tourists to his village in a way that is sustainable and manageable, so as not to disrupt its unique way of life.

Since the village is already of interest to a certain segment of Israelis, such as local school groups and retirees, residents want to ensure that it does not turn into Daliyat al-Karmel of souvenir shops and grilled meat restaurants. According to Aibek Napso, parking will need to be organized outside the village, sufficient public toilets provided, and strict waste disposal rules enforced.

“Last week, in addition to our residents, there were 1,000 tourists in Kfar-Kama in their cars,” he said. According to him, the quiet streets of the village, where some people move around in golf carts, are not suitable for such a number of traffic jams, and a solution will need to be found.

“It’s a lot, a lot. We have some concerns; not all tourists may be educated, and if there are 1,000 people, 500 are enough to throw their cigarette butts or water bottles on the street instead of in the trash can to [pollute the village]. We want to do it step by step and educate them. We are also learning. This is something new for us.”

In the Heritage Center he manages, visitors will be able to arrange a visit to watch a short video presentation about the history of the Circassians and see the center’s small but interesting exhibition dedicated to items from the daily life of the Circassians.

People will be able to walk through the narrow streets of the old town, see old houses built of basalt stones, and notice small details of bygone times, such as a tiny metal window latch in the shape of a person on a house, sometimes used by a young lady being courted to let her suitor know by tilting the latch whether it was safe for him to visit the house, whether her parents were home or not.

The uniquely shaped village mosque embodies the three different stages the community has gone through: the square bottom represents the shape of traditional Circassian houses; the middle octagonal part symbolizes the transition the Circassians underwent; and the minaret denotes the Ottoman Empire, explained Aibek Napso.

“Rural tourism can introduce people to other cultures and provide economic [growth] in small places,” said Fisher. “We want to start communicating [with other villages] to learn how to do tourism properly and find solutions to problems.”

Currently, the village has four bed-and-breakfast hotels, as well as other accommodation options in the surrounding area, including in Kfar Tavor and hotels in Tiberias, which is a 20-minute drive away.

“We don’t want the impact of this designation to remain only in this area but also in the surrounding circles. We want to preserve the uniqueness of the village. We don’t want tourists walking around the neighborhood 24 hours a day.”

Connections with the International Circassian Diaspora

Young Circassians in Israel attend annual summer camps, and there is an international exchange with other Circassian communities abroad, allowing for the maintenance of cultural and national ties, as well as helping young Circassians get to know each other, encouraging marriages within the community, while being exposed to the “brotherhood of Circassians,” said Aibek Napso.

The community does not approve of mixed marriages to preserve its cultural identity, but there are about 20 mixed marriages in the village, including with Russians, Ukrainians, and Israeli Jews. He noted that there are few mixed marriages with Arab Muslims due to cultural differences.

Most young people from the village return to Kfar-Kama after studying and traveling, added Aibek Napso.

“We have our unique goal, and everyone lives with one goal: to be Circassian,” he said.

Sixty-eight percent of young Circassian women pursue higher academic education in various disciplines such as high technology, nursing, accounting, law, and business management, while only 38 percent of young men do so after military service.

“Military service has its consequences,” said Zakaria Napso, noting that men usually work in local industries and businesses.

The birth rate among the Circassian community in Israel is low, averaging 1.6 children per couple, and this is a concern, says Zakaria Napso, who has four children, all with professional education.

“This is a problem now because young couples are busy with their lives and careers, and this affects the number of children they have,” he said. “For our community to survive, there should be an average of two children.”

Being a Bridge

He said that over the past 10 years, the local council has tried to fill the gaps in infrastructure and planning that existed between Kfar-Kama and its neighbors, partly due to government neglect and partly due to poor local governance and a lack of knowledge about how the planning system works at the village level. He said there is a master plan for the village.

“We have invested a lot in [closing the gaps],” he said. “Now we have all the permits for the master plan.”

According to him, living in the Lower Galilee, they have good relations with all their neighbors and cooperate with local councils.

“There is no racism in our area,” he added. “We cooperate with Arabs and Jews. We have managed to build a bridge between them.”

In addition to the Circassian cheeses of the Elbrus Dairy, visitors to Kfar Kama are attracted by traditional Circassian food. Entrepreneur Suzie Ashmuz opened Suzie’s Kitchen, a home-cooked restaurant where visitors can pre-order traditional Circassian dishes such as matza, cheese-filled pastries; haluz, fried bread; khajagas-pasta, a dish similar to polenta with a fried vegetable filling khajagas-nataf; and round date cookies called halgujhan. Just don’t expect to find hummus on the table.

Romantic and Bold Traditional Dance

Marriages with Circassians from abroad have also brought new initiatives to the village. A German Circassian who married a local opened a German waffle shop.

Rustam Apsha, a Russian Circassian who married a local woman, became a football coach and teaches dance in a traditional Circassian dance troupe, which provides a very colorful spectacle.

Traditionally, the dance gave young people the opportunity to connect with each other, as a young woman used her subtle movements to give subtle hints to her potential suitors whether courting attempts were welcome or not.

“I know that there are Circassians in Syria and Turkey, but I wanted to see what it’s like here. It’s better than Turkey; there’s democracy here,” said 40-year-old Apsha, a father of two. “I just want to live. It’s more comfortable here. There [in Russia] it’s not so free. Here we can commemorate May 21, the day of our genocide. Every year we walk from our village to the Knesset.”

As in other communities, many unique traditions are disappearing as young people are drawn into the pop culture of mobile phones and social media apps, but food and beautiful traditional dances have retained their significance for much of the Circassian community at weddings and public events.

The traditional dance troupe led by Apsha is a popular ensemble in the village. With men in fur hats, long coats with belts studded with [fake] bullets and daggers, and women dressed in long, flowing, intricately embroidered dresses and tall characteristic headpieces, the performances are both romantic and bold. With their graceful movements, the women seem to float above the ground, while the men fiercely jump and spin in steps stemming from their warrior past.

“For us as a community, it is very important to maintain our culture,” said 19-year-old Nafna Napso, a dancer in the Kfar Kama dance troupe. “Not all Circassians in other parts of the world speak Circassian, but wherever we are, what unites us is what we do together — our traditional dances.”

She noted that in everyday life she usually speaks Hebrew with her friends, but when she sends texts, she uses Hebrew letters to write in Circassian.

“We are very welcome here, even though we are not Middle Easterners and live here [in Kfar-Kama] very differently,” she said. “This is our home, and Circassia is our homeland.”

Discuss:

Who are the Circassians of northern Israel?

Who are the Circassians of northern Israel? – source Jerusalem Post.

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Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar publicly thanked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on April 16, 2026, for legislative changes introducing criminal liability for manifestations of anti-Semitism. For Israel and Jewish communities outside the country, such a step by Kyiv has not only legal but also symbolic significance: it is a state confirmation that anti-Semitism is considered not as a private incident but as a dangerous phenomenon requiring a separate and tough response at the level of law.

This statement was made against the backdrop of the ongoing war, political turbulence, and Ukraine’s constant struggle for international support. That is why, in the Israeli perception, the news seems particularly significant: even in wartime conditions, the Ukrainian authorities demonstrate that the issue of protecting the Jewish community and countering hate crimes remains part of state policy.

Why Sa’ar’s statement is important for Israel

According to the head of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, the amendments to the Ukrainian Criminal Code have become an important step in the fight against hate crimes, primarily anti-Semitism. In Israeli political and public discourse, such signals are always considered carefully because they directly concern the security of Jewish communities, historical memory, and the state’s attitude towards one of the most painful topics in Jewish history.

For the Israeli audience, the diplomatic context is also important here. The gratitude expressed at the level of the foreign minister means that in Jerusalem, this step by Kyiv was noticed and considered worthy of a separate public assessment. In the current conditions, this is not formal politeness but a political signal that such legislative decisions can strengthen trust between countries.

What exactly the head of the Israeli Foreign Ministry said

Gideon Sa’ar stated that he expresses gratitude to President Zelensky and Ukraine for amending the Criminal Code, which introduces criminal liability for manifestations of anti-Semitism. He emphasized that these changes are an important step in the fight against hate crimes, especially anti-Semitism.

Such an emphasis is not accidental. For Israel, it is fundamentally important when a foreign state does not limit itself to declarations of tolerance but enshrines responsibility in criminal legislation. This moves the topic from the realm of moral statements to the realm of concrete law and practical enforcement.

How Ukraine approached this decision

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky signed the corresponding law on April 14, 2026. The bill itself was adopted by the Verkhovna Rada back in February 2022, but it was the signing of the document that completed the legislative procedure and opened the way for its full implementation.

This time gap between adoption and finalization also deserves attention. It shows that even in the conditions of a major war, Ukraine returns to issues of internal legal architecture and brings to completion decisions that are significant for national memory policy, interethnic relations, and the country’s international image.

Why this is important not only for Ukraine

Anti-Semitism for the Jewish world is never exclusively an internal issue of one country. Any law that strengthens responsibility for such manifestations becomes a marker of a broader trend: whether the state is ready to protect minorities, call the problem by its name, and act not in words but through legal mechanisms.

That is why this news goes beyond Ukrainian domestic politics. It concerns both Israel and the Jewish diaspora, and indeed the entire European discussion on how states should respond to the rise of hatred, radicalization, and xenophobia.

NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency in this context also draws attention to the symbolic side of the decision. When Ukraine, under the heaviest military pressure, formally strengthens the punishment for anti-Semitism, it is perceived as an attempt to establish a clear value line: the Jewish community, like other groups of citizens, must be protected not declaratively but by law.

What this changes for Israel-Ukraine relations

For bilateral relations between Israel and Ukraine, such steps can have a long-term effect. They create an additional basis for political dialogue, especially on sensitive issues of historical memory, community security, and public assessment of manifestations of hatred.

Israel, as a state, is extremely attentive to any forms of anti-Semitism abroad. Therefore, Sa’ar’s positive reaction seems logical: Jerusalem demonstrates that it is ready to publicly support those decisions that strengthen the legal protection of Jews and fix the inadmissibility of anti-Semitic actions at the level of criminal law.

The broader meaning of this step

For the Israeli reader, it is important to see not only a diplomatic remark in this story but also a broader process. Ukraine shows that it seeks to build a modern legal model in which anti-Semitism is directly recognized as a criminal act, not dissolved in general formulations about hatred.

Against the backdrop of European debates on the boundaries of freedom of speech, political radicalization, and growing tensions around national and religious identity, such a step by Kyiv looks like a clear and legally formalized statement. And that is why the gratitude expressed by the Israeli minister carries much more weight than an ordinary diplomatic comment.

In the end, it is not just about an amendment to the criminal code and not only about a formal exchange of courtesies between politicians. This is a story about how a legislative decision within Ukraine became an important signal for Israel, the Jewish world, and the entire discussion about whether a state is truly capable of protecting its citizens from hatred. In the current international atmosphere, such signals become especially noticeable and politically significant.

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