Month: May 2026

International Police Association awarded a Ukrainian Armed Forces officer

The International Police Association (IPA), uniting law enforcement officers from more than 70 countries, awarded its medal to an officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine with the call sign “Hasid”.

This was reported by the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) and the publication JewishNews on November 22, 2025.
The IPA decision emphasizes that the award was given for high professionalism, courage, and a special contribution to the defense of Ukraine.

For the Jewish community, this decision was significant: for the first time in a long time, a representative of Ukraine with Jewish heritage receives an international professional award specifically as a combat officer of the active army.

Who is “Hasid”: collected facts from open sources

There is little information about “Hasid” in the public domain — he consciously maintains anonymity. However, over the past years, his name (or rather, call sign) has repeatedly appeared in Ukrainian media and social networks.

Instructor and intelligence officer of the Ukrainian Armed Forces

In a report by Informator it is stated:

• he does not show his face, his name is not disclosed — this is stated directly;

• serves as an instructor on the front line;

• trains infantry, mechanized units, and intelligence personnel;

• has been working since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, often in areas of active combat.

Commanders commenting on his work noted that thousands of servicemen have gone through his training — social networks mention the figure “more than 8,000 students”.

Jewish by origin and a person of faith

All Ukrainian and Jewish sources emphasize that “Hasid” is —

• Jewish by nationality,

• a person of religious views,

• motivating fighters with spiritual values and philosophy that he himself shares.

One of the meanings he quotes: “defending Ukraine is also about the light that must overcome darkness”.

The phrase “about the light that must overcome darkness” is a direct part of the Hasidic tradition, where light is always seen as a force that naturally dispels darkness. Such an image is found in the teachings of Baal Shem Tov, the Maggid of Mezritch, and the Alter Rebbe and is one of the central Hasidic principles.

The image that society sees

In Ukrainian social networks, “Hasid” is described as:

• a principled instructor,

• a strict but fair commander,

• an officer who combines professional training with a personal moral stance.

What remains unknown

Full name, rank, unit, locations — are not published.
Some hostile resources spread an unverified version of “service in the Israeli special forces”, but there is no confirmation of this. Ukrainian official sources have not made such statements.

What video materials about “Hasid” show: documentary sources

1. Video from January 3, 2023 (project “Finding Answers with Inna Zolotukhina”)

This is one of the earliest confirmed appearances of “Hasid” in the media — a report from a combat company training.

The video directly states:

• “Hasid” trains Ukrainian fighters from various units from the first days of the war, and does so exclusively on a volunteer basis.

• He introduces himself as:
  “I am Jewish by nationality and have extensive experience serving in special units of Ukraine and Israel”.

• He emphasizes that he considers it his duty to pass on combat experience:
  “This is how I save their lives. And as Jews say: ‘Save a life — save the whole world’”.

In the same video, fighters of the “Black Raven” company talk about heavy battles in the Chernobyl zone, the importance of constant training, and how the instructor helps cope with combat stress:

• “When you sit in a trench under fire for three days and don’t see the enemy — the instructor helps you learn to keep a cool head”.

• “If you don’t train — you can lose vigilance. In war, mistakes cost lives”.

This video shows “Hasid” as a combat instructor who combines professional training with psychological support for fighters.

2. Video from August 31, 2025: “Who is Hasid?”

This is a later and more systematic video material that gathers information about him into a coherent portrait.

The video states:

• “Hasid” personally trained over 8,000 elite Ukrainian fighters.

• Has experience serving in special units of the National Guard of Ukraine.

• Holds international certification in Israeli training centers.

• Uses his own methods based on real combat experience.

• Follows the principle:
  “Weapons are just a tool, it’s the person who fights”.

• Considers his main reward the moment,
  when a soldier returns home safe and sound.

• His faith in the Almighty is separately emphasized, which helps maintain inner resilience in wartime conditions.

This video shows “Hasid” as a systematic, recognizable, and one of the most effective Ukrainian instructors of the modern war.

What Russian propaganda press wrote about “Hasid”

Russian occupation media and related resources mentioned “Hasid” several times, but exclusively in a manipulative and speculative manner. The main thesis they promoted was the version that the Ukrainian Armed Forces instructor is allegedly a “former Israeli special forces operative”. Such statements appeared on several Russian sites after the release of Ukrainian video materials about the training of servicemen, where “Hasid” was featured.

Russian resources used the same video from the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, interpreting it in a propagandistic manner, adding accusations, non-existent details, and attempts to present “Hasid” as a “foreign mercenary”. This is a typical tactic of Russian disinformation: distorting facts, imagining non-existent biographies, and forming the image of an “external enemy” to discredit Ukrainian volunteers, instructors, and officers.

What is the IPA and why does it award military personnel

The International Police Association is the oldest and largest professional organization of law enforcement officers in the world.

Founded in 1950, today it has representations in more than 70 countries.
The goal of the IPA is to promote international cooperation, law and order, professional exchange, and support for colleagues working in risky conditions.

Why the IPA awards

The IPA periodically awards

• medals for bravery,

• badges for service to society,

• distinctions for contribution to safety and protection of citizens.

In peacetime, awards are more often received by the police — but during war, the association separately recognizes people who demonstrate a high level of professionalism in combat conditions, especially when it comes to protecting the population, training personnel, or saving lives.

Awarding the Ukrainian Armed Forces officer is precisely such a case.

Ukrainian Jews continue to defend their country

The story of “Hasid” is not only a personal recognition. It is a marker of a phenomenon that we at NAnovosti regularly write about:
the Jewish community of Ukraine is not a bystander in the war, but a participant.

• Jewish military personnel serve in infantry, intelligence, and border troops.

• Rabbis of the volunteer movement coordinate humanitarian and spiritual support on the front.

• Thousands of Ukrainian Jews participate in the defense of the country as servicemen, medics, volunteers, engineers.

“Hasid” has become one of the symbols of this participation: a person who combines Jewish identity, professional military training, and real combat service.

His award is a reminder to the world:
Jews of Ukraine defend their homeland just like all other citizens of the country.

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NAnovosti News of Israel Nikk.Agency November 24, 2025.
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Zhytomyr’s “Polissya” is preparing for the new season and, according to Ukrainian football sources, is looking for a strong goalkeeper who can immediately strengthen the team. An Israeli connection has appeared in this transfer story: the club is once again considering the option of Ukrainian goalkeeper Georgiy Ermakov, who is currently playing for Maccabi Haifa.

For the Israeli audience, this news is interesting not only because of the football geography. It shows how Ukrainian football continues to keep track of its players abroad, and Israel remains a notable point on the map of Ukrainian sports careers.

Why “Polissya” is looking for a new goalkeeper

According to the Telegram channel Inside UPL, “Polissya” wants to enter the new season with a stronger goalkeeping line. The Zhytomyr club has been trying for several years to establish itself among the ambitious projects of Ukrainian football, so the goalkeeper position becomes one of the key ones for them.

The first option for the club was Nazar Domchak.

He has become one of the sensations of the current season and is considered one of the most notable goalkeepers in the UPL at the moment. His game is highly rated by Ruslan Rotan, and there is already interest from European clubs around the player himself.

But this is where “Polissya” encountered difficulties. If a battle for Domchak has indeed begun, then the financial demands of “Karpaty” may be too high. Even for the ambitious Zhytomyr club, such a deal could be challenging.

Why the option with Georgiy Ermakov arose again

Against this background, “Polissya” returned to a candidate they had already considered last summer. We are talking about Georgiy Ermakov — a Ukrainian goalkeeper who is currently in the Maccabi Haifa system.

The deal did not take place then: the Israeli club did not want to sell the player.

Now the situation, according to sources, has moved again. “Polissya” has already made contact with the player himself. Ermakov, it is claimed, has indicated that he is ready to consider returning to Ukraine, but only under the condition of a strong personal contract.

This is the stage where negotiations are currently at.

What this means for Israel and Ukrainian football

Ermakov’s story is interesting because it connects several football directions at once: Ukraine, Israel, and the European transfer market. For Ukrainian clubs, players performing abroad often remain a clear and valuable option — they know the Ukrainian school, can adapt faster, and do not require a long period of cultural acclimatization.

But returning from Israel to Ukraine now is not just a sports question.

The player needs to assess the level of the championship, financial conditions, safety, prospects for playing practice, and role in the team. For a goalkeeper, this is especially important: if the club is looking for a “number one,” the contract can be attractive. If it’s just about competition, the decision becomes more difficult.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency notes that such transfer stories are important for the Russian-speaking audience in Israel. They show that sports connections between Ukraine and Israel continue to work even against the backdrop of war, migration, market changes, and new economic conditions in football.

Why “Maccabi” Haifa may not be in a hurry

For “Maccabi” Haifa, the question does not seem simple either. The Israeli club must understand whether Ermakov is needed in its own structure, whether there are plans for him, and what financial sense a possible transfer has.

If last summer the club did not want to sell the goalkeeper, it means that in Haifa they saw him as a resource or did not receive a suitable offer.

Now much will depend on the amount, the player’s own position, and “Polissya’s” readiness to make not just a request, but a real offer. In transfers of this level, a personal contract often becomes as important as the agreement between clubs.

At what stage is the transfer

So far, it is not about a completed deal. According to available information, “Polissya” is showing interest, contact with the player has already been made, but there is no final decision.

The key question is money.

Ermakov is ready to return to Ukraine only if there is a financially strong personal contract. This means that the Zhytomyr club needs to convince not only “Maccabi” Haifa but also the player himself.

For “Polissya,” such a transfer could look logical: a Ukrainian goalkeeper, experience abroad, understandable adaptation, potential strengthening of an important position. But for now, this is precisely a negotiation story, not an announced transfer.

Now the club needs to decide whether it is ready to invest in Ermakov or continue to look for alternatives in the Ukrainian and European markets. The goalkeeper position does not tolerate haste, but delaying it before the new season is risky.

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On January 15, 2026, the Israeli publication The Jerusalem Post published (Eng.) a report by journalist Michael Starr about Jewish servicemen who continue to fight as part of the Ukrainian army, while “the attention of the world audience increasingly shifts to other crises” – original.

The main idea of the material is simple and harsh: even if the media agenda changes, Russia’s war against Ukraine has not stopped for a single season, and the Jews of Ukraine remain among those who “hold the line” since 2022, going through winter after winter.

Drone reconnaissance commander from Nikolaev: “fight for your country”

One of the key figures in the report is Moshe Bizsemov, the commander of a small group of reconnaissance drones. He has been serving in the Ukrainian army since 2018 and witnessed the phase of battles often associated in Ukraine with the war in Donbas after 2014. Bizsemov is a resident of Nikolaev, a father of two, and was supposed to complete his service in April 2022, shortly after the full-scale invasion began.

However, circumstances unfolded differently. At the moment when his unit came under attack, Bizsemov was in the process of being discharged. Many of his soldiers were captured in Mariupol, and as noted in the material, seven had not been released at the time of publication. He extended his contract and remained in service. When asked about his motivation, the answer is extremely short: “fight for your country.”

The report also highlights another detail: Bizsemov was wounded at the beginning of the war and had grounds to leave the service with an honorable discharge. Instead, he continued working specifically in drone reconnaissance — where the price of a mistake is measured not in statistics but in human lives on the ground.

BMP driver and “the man who stopped”: the story of Andre Chernecki

The second figure is Andre Chernecki, a driver of an armored vehicle (BMP). The text states that he has been serving since March 22 (the year is not specified in the material) and has gone through some of the bloodiest episodes of the war, including Bakhmut. Chernecki fought there twice, with one rotation, according to him, lasting seven months.

The strongest fragment of the report is an episode that Chernecki recounts as an illustration of a choice made “inside the war.” Returning from the Bakhmut direction and already about a kilometer from a safe area, he noticed a Ukrainian soldier trapped by debris in a destroyed building. According to protocol, the armored vehicle should not stop: the risk is too high for the crew and equipment. Chernecki stopped.

He ran out, bandaged the wound, and then effectively amputated the destroyed limb that was holding the soldier under the rubble, after which his team loaded the wounded onto the armored vehicle. The material emphasizes: by this act, he put himself and his people at risk, but he believed that otherwise, the soldier would have been “left behind,” and then almost certainly forgotten.

Chernecki speaks about his Jewish identity directly and without embellishment. He did not hide that he was Jewish and perceived it as part of his service: “if you represent a people — you must keep the bar higher.” He notes that he was wounded three times and explains why he continues to fight: so that no one can say that Jews do not fight.

Not everyone is on the front line — and this is also part of the truth

The Jerusalem Post text does not romanticize. It states directly: as among other citizens of Ukraine, among Jews, there were those who did not go to fight — who hid at home, fearing mobilization, or tried to avoid conscription. One of the Jewish leaders admits regret about this part of reality, but other community representatives emphasize: there are many servicemen, it’s just difficult to name the exact number.

The reason lies in the structure of the community and society. Some are actively involved in Jewish life and are visible, while others live outside community frameworks, and even people who usually “keep their finger on the pulse” may not know about their service.

The cost of war: the dead, the wounded, returning and dying on position

The report lists specific cases of losses among Jewish fighters. One of them is Tzvi-Hirsch (Grisha) Zvergazda, a cook and father of two. He died in June in the Kherson direction. The article notes his dream — to open a kosher restaurant in Odessa and someday receive a Michelin star.

Around the same time, Andrey Korovsky, a 32-year-old Chabad school teacher, died. He was a drone operator, had previously returned to service after a combat wound, and died on the front from a heart attack. In this fragment, the “rear” side of the war is especially noticeable: even when a person does not die from a bullet or shrapnel, the war continues to wear down the body.

Another hero is Maksim Nelipa, a 44-year-old Ukrainian actor and TV presenter. The material states that he left television at the beginning of the invasion and went to fight, and in May he was killed in battle. A separate detail strengthens the Ukraine-Israel connection: according to the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine, Nelipa’s son was at that time fighting as part of the Golani Brigade in Gaza and received news of his father’s death right on duty.

How many are there: assessment of losses and scale of participation

There is no official “Jewish statistics” for the Ukrainian army, and the report emphasizes that the numbers vary. But an estimate by Jewish representatives is provided: since 2022, the number of Jewish citizens of Ukraine who died in the war may range from 100 to 200 people, with dozens dying just last year. Against this background, another estimate is heard: now about twice as many Jews serve in the army as those who have already died.

This is not accounting and not a dispute over numbers. Rather, it is a marker that we are talking not about isolated stories, but about a noticeable layer of society that bears the same cost of war as the rest.

The role of communities: funerals, family assistance, chaplain on the front line

An important block of the report is about how Jewish structures in Ukraine take on what would be taken for granted in peacetime. The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) reports that it helps organize Jewish funerals together with Chabad emissaries, supports families financially, and conducts prayers and Kaddish readings for the deceased.

The article also mentions Hungarian Jewish volunteer Binyamin Aser — an example of how the war attracts people to Ukraine from abroad, and the issue of a dignified burial becomes part of humanitarian work.

The work of military chaplain, Rabbi-Lieutenant Yakov Sinyakov, associated with FJCU, is described separately. He visits the trenches, brings soldiers sweets “the taste of home,” distributes books of psalms to those who ask, talks to recruits who see the front for the first time and do not always cope psychologically. Sinyakov has a master’s degree in psychology, and the material emphasizes that he knows how to “connect” with people not through slogans, but through human conversation.

His thought is also presented, explaining the moral complexity of war: some soldiers find it difficult to accept the very idea of killing, but in the “reality of evil,” he says, protecting family and country makes this choice inevitable.

Why this is important for Israel

The report includes a phrase of gratitude to Israel for accepting Ukrainian refugees at the beginning of the war. But the key meaning is broader: for the Israeli audience, Ukraine increasingly becomes an “external topic,” while for people on the front line, it is a matter of life and death, without pauses for changes in the news cycle.

The story of Jewish fighters of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is simultaneously about Ukraine and about Israel: about shared memory, about the reaction to violence, about family ties that ended up on both sides of the fronts and borders, and about how war tears apart “ordinary life” in the most unexpected places — from Nikolaev and Kherson to Holon and IDF bases.

That is why such texts are important not as an emotional gesture, but as a document of the time: names, facts, direct words of people who fight, bury, return after injuries, and go back to positions. In the Russian-speaking Israeli agenda, this layer of reality must remain visible — and this is exactly what NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency works for.

Original from January 15, 2026, The Jerusalem Post (Eng.) report by journalist Michael Starr:

https://www.jpost.com/international/internationalrussia-ukraine-war/article-883460

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In June 2026, “Evenings of Humor” will be held in Israel featuring Ukrainian comedians Oleksandr Stepanenko and Ivan Kukharchuk — artists known to audiences from the Ukrainian project “League of Laughter.” The poster promises an hour and a half of live humor, popular acts, television stories, and comedic improvisation. The program will include a charity auction with valuable lots, and the collected funds will be donated to the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

For the Israeli Ukrainian and Russian-speaking audience, this event looks not just like another concert. After 2022, the Ukrainian stage has changed significantly: humor has become not only a way to distract but also a form of support for the country, the army, and people living in wartime conditions.

According to the published poster, performances will take place in three cities in Israel: Netanya, Rishon LeZion, and Ashdod. The description also states that the program will include a charity auction with valuable lots, and the collected funds will be donated to the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

Evenings of Humor in Israel: Who Will Perform and Where the Program Will Take Place

Organizers invite viewers for an hour and a half of sincere laughter and a positive atmosphere. The program includes favorite acts familiar from television performances, as well as live comedic improvisation.

A separate part of the evening is a charity auction. According to the poster, all collected funds will be donated to the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. For many viewers in Israel, this makes the event not just entertaining but also socially important.

Performance Schedule

Tickets are already available for sale.

Who are Oleksandr Stepanenko and Ivan Kukharchuk

Oleksandr Stepanenko and Ivan Kukharchuk are Ukrainian comedians associated with the television project “League of Laughter.” This is one of the most recognizable comedic formats in Ukraine, where teams perform sketches, improvisations, and topical stage acts.

In the poster for the Israeli concerts, they are presented as frontmen of top teams of the “League of Laughter.” It states: Oleksandr Stepanenko — “30+”, Ivan Kukharchuk — “Resting Together.”

Both artists are connected to the Ukrainian comedy scene, television humor, and volunteer projects that emerged after the start of the full-scale war.

For NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this story is interesting precisely at the intersection of culture, the Israeli Ukrainian community, and aid to Ukraine. In Israel, such evenings often become not only an entertainment event but also a meeting place for people for whom the Ukrainian theme remains personal.

How they helped Ukraine after 2022

After the start of the full-scale war, Ukrainian artists, comedians, and TV hosts began actively participating in charity concerts, volunteer gatherings, and public campaigns in support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Oleksandr Stepanenko and Ivan Kukharchuk also found themselves within this cultural-volunteer wave.

In July 2022, Ukrainian media reported that comedians from the “League of Laughter” held charity concerts and auctions to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Oleksandr Stepanenko from the “Resting Together” team participated in such events. The format was clear: humor, meeting with the audience, and collecting aid for the Ukrainian army.

Another example is charity sports and cultural events. In Ukrainian announcements after 2022, Stepanenko was mentioned among the participants of events in support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, where artists, athletes, and public figures performed together.

Ivan Kukharchuk is associated with the “30+” team, whose concerts after 2022 were repeatedly presented as performances with fundraising for Ukrainian defenders. In regional announcements, the “30+” team was presented as a “League of Laughter” collective inviting viewers not only to humor but also to support the army.

“Volunteer Landing” as a New Role for Humor

It is worth noting separately the project “League of Laughter. Volunteer Landing.” After 2022, it became one of the symbols of how Ukrainian humor transitioned into a format of supporting the army and society.

In this special season, teams competed not just for victory but for the opportunity to fulfill a volunteer mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In publications about the second season of “Volunteer Landing,” both Ivan Kukharchuk and Oleksandr Stepanenko were mentioned among the participants and coaches.

This shows that their participation in the comedic scene after the start of the war was not limited to ordinary concerts. They were part of a broader Ukrainian volunteer cultural environment.

Why this is important for Israel

For Israel, such concerts have a separate meaning. There is a large Ukrainian community living here, many immigrants from Ukraine, as well as people for whom the war against Ukraine is not a distant news story but part of family and personal reality.

An evening of humor in such a situation works in several directions at once. It gives people the opportunity to meet, hear live Ukrainian speech, support artists, and at the same time participate in helping Ukraine.

Moreover, the charity auction in support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine makes these performances not only a cultural but also a public event. This is an important signal: the Ukrainian theme in Israel remains alive, and support for Ukraine can be expressed not only through rallies, statements, and news but also through concerts, gatherings, community meetings, and cultural evenings.

Briefly for the reader

• Oleksandr Stepanenko and Ivan Kukharchuk are Ukrainian comedians from the orbit of the “League of Laughter.”
• After 2022, they participated in charity and volunteer formats related to supporting the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
• In Israel, performances will take place in June 2026 in Netanya, Rishon LeZion, and Ashdod.
• The program includes comedic acts, live improvisation, and a charity auction.
• According to the poster, all funds collected at the auction will be donated to the needs of the Ukrainian army.

For Ukrainians, Israelis, and the Russian-speaking audience of Israel, this is not just an evening of laughter. It is another way to show that Ukraine remains in focus, and culture during wartime can be not only entertainment but also a form of solidarity.

Performance Schedule and Tickets

Tickets are already available for sale.

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Those who claim that “Israel is not obliged to help Ukraine” and that “every country has its own interests” should remember the consequences of such thinking at the Evian Conference, held from July 5 to 16, 1938.

The fates of European Jews, whom the Third Reich had already deemed “subhumans,” were on the agenda.

In July 1938, U.S. President Roosevelt convened an international conference to promote and finance the emigration of “political refugees.”

But Hitler, before the ovens of Auschwitz began operating, offered the world community to take the Jews and watched with interest to see how it would end.

Representatives from 32 countries participated in the conference. These were countries from Western Europe (Hungary was the only representative from Eastern Europe), North and South America, as well as Australia and New Zealand. Additionally, 24 Jewish and international humanitarian organizations, including the Joint, the Jewish Agency, and the World Jewish Congress, sent their delegates to Evian.

The situation at the start of the conference was previously described by Chaim Weizmann:

“The world is divided into two parts – those places where Jews cannot live, and those where they cannot go.”

None of the countries participating in the Evian Conference were to be forced to increase their immigration quotas – it was solely about voluntary agreement to accept more Jewish refugees.

However, Switzerland, strictly maintaining neutrality, refused to host the conference, so it was held in France. Due to the annexation of Austria in March 1938, the number of potential Jewish victims of the Nazi regime significantly increased. Many Jews had already been expelled from Germany and Austria, and now Jews from Czechoslovakia were in danger.

The conference participants expressed sympathy for the suffering Jews but made no commitments. The U.S. did not want to increase immigration quotas due to anti-Semitic sentiments in Congress and fears of job competition. Britain could not accommodate refugees on its territory, and Eretz-Israel was excluded due to the Arab uprising.

Some countries stated they had already accepted as many as they could, while others refused due to the economic crisis and unemployment. As a result, only the Dominican Republic and Costa Rica agreed to accept refugees, although only about 500 people ended up in the Dominican Republic.

Israeli leaders of the time, Chaim Weizmann and David Ben-Gurion, were also against Jews entering Western countries. They hoped that restricting entry to other countries would force Britain to open Jewish emigration to Palestine.

The outcome of the conference quite suited Hitler, who sarcastically remarked:

“I hoped that the world, which feels such deep sympathy for these criminals [Jews], would at least be generous enough to turn this sympathy into practical help.”

The refusal to accept Jews was considered a grand victory for the German propaganda machine.

Golda Meir, who was at the forum, later described the events in her book “My Life”:

“I was there in the strange capacity of a ‘Jewish observer from Palestine’ and even sat not with the delegates but in the hall, although the refugees in question belonged to my people, to my family, and were not an unwanted number to be squeezed into a quota if at all possible.

It was a terrible thing – to sit in a luxurious hall and listen to the delegates of thirty-two countries explain in turn that they would like to accept a significant number of refugees but, unfortunately, are unable to do so.”

In an interview with journalists, Golda Meir added:

“I want to see only one thing before I die: that my people no longer need expressions of sympathy.”

The Evian Conference, which took place in July 1938, had serious consequences for the Jewish population of Europe. Not wanting to exacerbate their internal problems and fearing confrontation with the Nazi regime, the civilized international community failed to save millions of people, only postponing a world war indefinitely. Less than six months after the conference, Kristallnacht occurred, resulting in many Jews being killed, others arrested, and sent to concentration camps.

The historical lesson that can be drawn from the events of the Evian Conference should be taken into account by NATO in 2023. It is especially important to understand that the desire to avoid expanding the conflict when war is already underway can lead to a global conflict. NATO is currently providing material and tactical assistance to Ukraine but is not opening a second front against Russia.

Russian experts gleefully noted that the NATO summit communiqué paid little attention to Ukraine, with no clear promise of further material and financial support. They question whether only Ukraine has been “abandoned” or if it faces an even harsher fate in a world war.

Those who claim that Israel is not obliged to help Ukraine and that every country has its own interests should remember the consequences of such thinking at the Evian Conference. The Netherlands, London, France, Belgium, the USA, and other countries suffered damage from Nazi Germany.

This conference was recognized as a shameful page in Western history and serves as a lesson that by rejecting people in distress, states bring trouble upon themselves.

However, the Israeli government has not yet learned the lessons from the history of its people.

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Israeli businessman Gal Haimovich, convicted in the US for illegal supply of aviation parts to Russia, wants to serve the remaining term not in an American federal prison, but in Israel.

He has already filed a petition in the Central District Court of Lod.

At first glance, this is a common legal procedure: an Israeli citizen asks to be transferred to his homeland to continue serving his sentence. But Haimovich’s case is too sensitive to be seen only as a matter of prison logistics.

Behind it lies another story — sanctions against Russia, the war in Ukraine, the supply of dual-use components, American export control, and an Israeli citizen caught in an international scheme.

Why this case is important not only for the USA

Haimovich is 50 years old. Early last year, an American court sentenced him to two years in prison and another three years of supervision after release.

The basis — conspiracy to illegally supply aviation parts and avionics from American manufacturers and suppliers to Russia.

This is not a story about an accidental mistake in an invoice.

According to the case materials, Haimovich admitted to participating in a scheme where American companies were given false information about the final destination of goods. Documents might list some countries, but the real destination, according to the American side, was Russia.

And this is what makes the case politically and legally heavy.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, aviation parts, electronics, avionics, and dual-use components became not just goods for Western countries. They turned into part of the sanctions front.

What exactly did Haimovich admit

As part of a plea agreement, Haimovich agreed that the scheme involved deceiving American suppliers and false information in export documents submitted to US authorities.

The essence of the accusation was simple: goods of American origin could not be sent to Russia bypassing export restrictions, but this is exactly what, according to the investigation, was happening.

An especially important detail: among the supplied components were aviation parts and avionics, including elements that can be used in missile technologies.

For the Israeli audience, this sounds extremely clear.

When it comes to dual-use technologies, the line between the civilian market and the military sphere can be very thin. Israel itself lives in a reality where logistics, electronics, aviation, and security are constantly interconnected.

How the supply scheme to Russia worked

According to the case materials, Haimovich owned an international freight forwarding company. It was part of a group of structures operating in different countries, including the USA and Israel.

Through these companies, he acted as a trusted forwarder for individuals and organizations who wanted to send goods to Russia, violating American export control rules.

The period is especially important: March 2022 — May 2023.

That is, this happened after the start of Russia’s major war against Ukraine. After the US and other Western countries imposed additional restrictions against Moscow. Already then, bypassing sanctions became not a gray commercial zone, but a direct risk of criminal prosecution.

According to the American side, Haimovich helped export aviation parts and avionics from the USA through intermediary carriers in the interests of Russian customers.

One of the stories concerns the airline S7 Airlines.

In August 2022, Haimovich, as claimed in the case, was hired to deliver an aviation component to Russia. At the same time, the US supplier was given false information: as if the part was intended for the Maldives.

On paper — the Maldives.

In reality, according to the investigation, — a Russian customer.

This is often how bypassing sanctions looks: not a direct route, not an open contract with a Russian structure, but a chain of countries, companies, carriers, and documents, where the main meaning is hidden behind formalities.

More than 160 deliveries and two million dollars

American materials indicate that from April 2022 to April 2023, Haimovich organized more than 160 deliveries to companies in the Maldives and the United Arab Emirates.

These companies, according to the investigation, participated in the further illegal transshipment of goods to Russia.

The scale here is crucial. This is not one episode that can be explained by negligence, misunderstanding, or an old contract. It was about dozens and hundreds of operations built during a period when the rules were already clear to all market participants.

Haimovich also admitted that he billed Russian clients for the illegal export of aviation parts and avionics from the USA to Russia.

Among the clients was the airline “Siberia,” operating under the brand S7 Airlines.

The invoice amounts exceeded two million dollars. As a result, Haimovich agreed to the confiscation of 2,024,435 dollars, as well as the confiscation of various aviation parts and components.

For readers of NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency in this case, the Israeli passport of the figure is not the only important thing. More important is something else: after 2022, business with Russia in sensitive technological areas ceased to be ordinary commerce. Especially if it concerns goods that can support Russian aviation or military chains.

Why he asks to be transferred to Israel

Now Haimovich asks to be allowed to serve the remaining part of the term in an Israeli prison. In his statement, he claims that as an Israeli citizen, he has the right to such a transfer.

This does not mean release.

If the court agrees, it will only be about changing the country of serving the sentence. The American sentence does not disappear, and the criminal story itself does not become less serious.

But symbolically, such a step will be noticeable.

An Israeli citizen, convicted in the USA for participating in a supply scheme to Russia after the start of the full-scale war, may return to Israel not as a businessman, but as a prisoner continuing to serve his term.

What the court in Lod must decide

The Central District Court of Lod must consider the petition in the coming days.

The question before the court is not only technical. It is necessary to assess whether there are legal grounds for the transfer, how it correlates with international obligations, and whether the decision creates problems in relations with the American side.

Israel finds itself in a difficult position here.

On the one hand, the state must protect the rights of its citizens, even if they are convicted abroad. On the other hand, the case is related to the violation of US export control, Russian customers, and the war against Ukraine.

And this is no longer just a private story of one entrepreneur.

This is a reminder for the entire Israeli business: after 2022, working with Russian structures, especially in aviation, electronics, logistics, and dual-use technologies, can end not only with a loss of money but also with a criminal case in another country.

There is no final decision yet.

But Haimovich’s request itself shows that the consequences of such schemes do not end with a sentence. They continue in courts, in diplomacy, in sanctions policy, and in the reputation of the country whose citizen is convicted.

…
Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Today we are talking about a Hollywood star – Mile Markovna Kunis! — New section 🔯 — Jews from Ukraine 🇺🇦

📍 Birth and emigration

• Born August 14, 1983 in Chernivtsi, Ukraine 🇺🇦.
• At the age of 7, she emigrated with her family to Los Angeles, USA 🇺🇸.

🕯 Tragic family story

Many of Mila’s relatives died during the Holocaust. The actress has repeatedly mentioned anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union:

“We were brought up like this: you’re a Jew, just don’t tell anyone about it. That’s why we moved to the US.”

🕎 Judaism and Kabbalah

The Jewish religion plays an important role in the life of Mila and her family.

“We celebrate Yom Kippur and Hanukkah, although not always according to all the rules. I love our religion. I go to synagogue not out of obligation, but because it is important to me.”

Mila and her family light Shabbat candles, read prayers, and her children know blessings in Hebrew.

She also emphasizes the importance of family traditions:

“On Fridays, we get together as a family, look into each other’s eyes, say “I love you” and share the events of the week. This time strengthens our connection. No matter where we are, we always find a moment for it.”

🧬 Jewish roots

A genealogical DNA test showed that Mila is ethnically 98% Ashkenazi Jewish.

“I’m quite Jewish, but in New York I’m becoming super Jewish!”

🤝 Marriage to Ashton Kutcher

Mila’s husband, actor Ashton Kutcher, although not Jewish, shares her spiritual interests:

“He speaks and reads Hebrew and has read the Torah a million times. He taught me something I didn’t know myself.”

Ashton visited Israel more than once, including with Mila. In 2013, they came to Safed for the funeral of Kabbalist Philip Berg.

“Israel is dear to my heart. For me, it’s like going back to the roots of creativity, which is inspiring on all levels.”

🇺🇦 Help to Ukraine

The full-scale war with Russia strengthened Mila’s Ukrainian identity.

“I have never been more proud of my origins than I am now. I’m proud to be Ukrainian.”

💪 Charity

• Mila and Ashton collected more than $35 million to help Ukrainian displaced people, donating 3 million of their own funds for this.
• At the Oscar ceremony, the actress announced a minute of silence in memory of those killed in Ukraine.

👦🏻 Meet Vladimir Zelensky

Mila has known Vladimir Zelensky since 2016, when she discussed with him the rights to a remake of the series “Servant of the People”.

“When I saw that Ukraine had a new Jewish president, I thought: “Mazal tov!” This is a familiar surname!” Later I found correspondence with him.”

Mila and Ashton met with Zelensky and his wife Elena several times, including in New York, where they discussed cooperation between Ukraine and the United States in the film industry.

🏆 Achievements of Mila Kunis

• In 2022 entered the list 100 most influential people in the world according to version Timealong with Vladimir Zelensky.
• Took 1st place in the ranking “100 Sexiest Women in the World” (FHM) and 4th place among the most beautiful women (Maxim).
• Recognized Esquire the sexiest woman on the planet.

🎬 Selected films of Mila Kunis

1. Black swan (2010)
2. Sex buddies (2011)
3. Third wheel (2012)
4. Oz the Great and Powerful (2013)

Mila Kunis: the pride of the Jews of Ukraine

Mila Kunis is not only one of the most successful actresses in Hollywood, but also a shining example of a Jew of Ukrainian origin who maintains a connection with culture, religion and his native land. Her contributions to Ukraine and respect for Jewish tradition serve as an inspiration to millions.

This article was prepared specifically for the site NAnewswhere you will find even more interesting stories about prominent Ukrainian Jews, such as Mila Kunis.

Veda section @davidkrutonog — Jew from Ukraine and founder of a marketing agency tlv.agency

Leave a comment in Telegram channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

…
Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

In Ukraine, a Jewish song contest for girls and women has been announced

In Ukraine, the “Jewish Song Contest for Girls and Women” (originally in Ukrainian «Конкурс єврейської пісні для дівчат і жінок») has started — a musical initiative for girls, young women, and women associated with the Kyiv Jewish community.

The contest poster lists the organizers: “Єврейська громада / Jewish Community” at the Brodsky Synagogue in Kyiv and “Shaarei Nashim” — a women’s Jewish organization Chabad Lubavitch. The Brodsky Synagogue is located at: Kyiv, Shota Rustaveli St., 13.

The contest announcement was also spread by the Lyceum “Mitzva-613” — a private Jewish lyceum and kindergarten operating in Anatevka, in the village of Hnatovka, Kyiv region.

Registration is open until May 15, 2026. Participants are invited to apply, showcase their voice, become a contestant, and compete for a prize. The poster prominently features the phrase: “Win $200 for a song!”

The contest is designed for two age categories: 7–16 years and 16+.

There are three prize places for the winners.

Who is behind the contest

In this story, it is important to correctly understand which organizations are mentioned in the announcement and what role they play.

Єврейська громада / Jewish Community

Jewish Community / Jewish Community — the Kyiv Jewish community associated with the Brodsky Synagogue in the center of Kyiv. It is one of the notable community structures of the capital, around which religious, cultural, educational, and social initiatives take place.

This community framework is indicated on the contest poster.

Brodsky Synagogue

Brodsky Synagogue — the central synagogue of Kyiv located at Shota Rustaveli St., 13. It is an important place of Jewish life in the Ukrainian capital.

Here, prayers, holidays, community meetings, educational and cultural events take place. For many Jews in Kyiv, the Brodsky Synagogue remains not only a religious center but also a point of connection with the community.

Shaarei Nashim

“Shaarei Nashim” — a women’s Jewish organization Chabad Lubavitch. In the context of the contest, its role is especially important because the event itself is aimed specifically at girls, young women, and women.

This is not just a music contest. It is part of women’s Jewish community activity, where there is room for culture, voice, stage, tradition, and women’s participation in community life.

Lyceum “Mitzva-613”

Lyceum “Mitzva-613” — a private Jewish lyceum and kindergarten in Anatevka, the village of Hnatovka, Kyiv region. The educational institution works with children from Jewish families and combines regular education with Jewish tradition, upbringing, and community environment.

In this story, the lyceum is important as an educational structure that spread the contest announcement and is connected with Jewish life near Kyiv.

Anatevka

Anatevka — a Jewish humanitarian and educational center near Kyiv. It is located in the village of Hnatovka, Kyiv region, and is associated with the initiative of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Reuven Asman.

Anatevka was created after the start of Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 as a place to help displaced persons. Over time, it has become not only a space for families who survived the war to live but also a place where a school, kindergarten, community projects, and Jewish infrastructure operate.

The name Anatevka refers to the Jewish shtetl from the stories of Sholem Aleichem about Tevye the Dairyman. Therefore, for the Ukrainian Jewish community, it is not just a location but a symbol of life continuation after exile, war, and loss.

Moshe Reuven Asman

Moshe Reuven Asman — the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, associated with the Anatevka project. His role in this story is manifested through the support of community, humanitarian, and educational infrastructure, especially after the start of Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Anatevka has become one of the examples of how the Jewish community in Ukraine not only helps people in crisis periods but also creates conditions for normal life, education, and preservation of tradition.

Why the contest is important right now

The Jewish song contest for girls and women is a small event in scale but very indicative in meaning.

Against the backdrop of war, such initiatives are especially noticeable. Ukraine has been living under the pressure of Russian aggression for many years, and the Jewish communities of the country are going through this time together with all of Ukraine.

The Jews of Ukraine are not standing aside from what is happening.

They serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, volunteer, help displaced persons, support the army, collect humanitarian aid, work with international partners, and explain to the world what is really happening in Ukraine.

But community life cannot be reduced only to war.

Even during alarms, evacuations, losses, and constant tension, Jewish organizations continue to teach children, hold cultural events, support women, preserve songs, language, traditions, holidays, and the connection of generations.

That is why the Jewish song contest is significant. It shows that Jewish life in Ukraine is not on pause.

Song as part of a living tradition

A Jewish song is not just music.

It contains family memory, language, prayer, joy of holidays, shtetl culture, women’s voice, and the connection between generations.

For girls and women, participating in such a contest can become not just a performance on stage. It is a way to feel part of the community, hear their own voice, and touch tradition not through a textbook but through live performance.

In this sense, the contest unites several directions at once: Kyiv, Brodsky Synagogue, the women’s organization “Shaarei Nashim”, Lyceum “Mitzva-613”, Anatevka, and modern Jewish life in Ukraine.

In the middle of this story, NAnovosti — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees not just a local announcement, but an important sign: Jewish Ukraine continues to live, learn, help, sing, and raise new generations even during the war.

Jewish communities of Ukraine during Russian aggression

Russian aggression has changed the life of all Ukraine, and Jewish communities are no exception. After 2014, and especially after the full-scale invasion in 2022, they faced several tasks at once: security, evacuation, helping the elderly, supporting families, educating children, humanitarian work, and preserving community life.

Many Ukrainian Jews defend the country with weapons in hand. Others help the army, collect aid, support refugees, work in volunteer projects, engage in diplomatic and informational support for Ukraine abroad.

This is a very important part of reality.

But equally important is another: Jewish communities in Ukraine continue to live not only in defense mode. They maintain the ability for cultural development. They hold holidays, support schools, organize women’s projects, develop children’s programs, preserve memory, and give people the opportunity to feel part of a large Jewish history.

The Jewish song contest for girls and women is precisely about this.

It does not cancel the war, does not pretend that everything is normal, and does not replace humanitarian work. But it shows that even in difficult times, the community has room for culture, voice, stage, childhood, and women’s participation.

Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish connection

For the Israeli audience, this story also has special significance. Jewish life in Ukraine is not only the past, the Holocaust, old shtetls, and family memory. It is also today’s schools, synagogues, children, community centers, volunteers, rabbis, teachers, women who continue to build life here and now.

Ukraine occupies an important place in Jewish history. Generations of Jews lived here, Hasidic centers arose here, Yiddish, Hebrew, prayers, songs, and family stories were heard here. Today, during the Russian war against Ukraine, this connection has not disappeared.

It has become different — heavier, more responsible, but alive.

When a Jewish song contest for girls, young women, and women is announced in Kyiv and Anatevka, it looks like a small news item. But behind it is a big picture: the community not only survives but continues to pass on culture.

What is important to remember

«Конкурс єврейської пісні для дівчат і жінок» — is a community musical initiative in Ukraine for girls, young women, and women.

The organizers listed on the poster are “Єврейська громада / Jewish Community” at the Brodsky Synagogue in Kyiv and “Shaarei Nashim” — a women’s Jewish organization Chabad Lubavitch.

The Brodsky Synagogue is located at: Kyiv, Shota Rustaveli St., 13.

The contest announcement was also spread by the Lyceum “Mitzva-613” — a Jewish lyceum and kindergarten in Anatevka, the village of Hnatovka, Kyiv region.

Registration is open until May 15, 2026.

Participant categories: 7–16 years and 16+.

Conclusion

The story of the Jewish song contest shows how Jewish communities in Ukraine live during Russian aggression.

They are not separate from the country. They, together with all of Ukraine, fight back, serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, volunteer, help displaced persons, support the army, work on the international stage, and tell the world the truth about the war.

But at the same time, they maintain not only the ability to survive but also the ability to live.

Jewish communities in Ukraine continue to teach children, support women, conduct cultural initiatives, preserve tradition, sing, celebrate, build educational projects, and pass on memory to the next generations.

The Jewish song contest for girls and women is exactly such an example. It does not have loud politics, but it has what often turns out to be stronger than slogans: voice, culture, community, and life that continues even during the war.

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

In 1939, according to the census, 65,452 Jews lived in Crimea, of which more than 7 thousand were Crimeans. According to historical estimates, about 40 thousand Jews and Crimeans became victims of the Nazis in Crimea. After the Nazis were expelled from Crimea, only 499 Jews and Crimeans who lived here before the war remained alive.

On December 11, Ukraine celebrates the Day of Remembrance of the Jews and Krymchaks of Crimea, exterminated during the years of Nazi occupation.

This date is important not only for preserving the memory of the tragic pages of history, but also as a reminder of the treachery, manipulation and betrayal that Russia exhibits in the modern context.

In 2004, the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (Ukraine), in honor of the victims of Nazism, proclaimed December 11 as the Day of Remembrance of Jews and Crimeans who died during the Second World War.

Let us recall that on July 1, 2021, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted Law No. 1616-IX “On Indigenous Peoples of Ukraine”. The law specifies that The indigenous peoples of Ukraine, which formed on the territory of the Crimean Peninsula, are the Crimean Tatars, Karaites, Krymchaks. On July 21 of the same year, this law was signed by Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky.

The history of the tragedy: Jews and Krymchaks of Crimea under the yoke of Nazism

In 1939, according to the census, 65,452 Jews lived in Crimea, of which more than 7 thousand were Crimeans. Krymchaks are a separate ethnolinguistic community of the Jewish population, whose representatives speak the Crimean Tatar language and are one of the indigenous peoples of Crimea.

The Nazis destroyed about 80% of the Krymchaks, and the destruction of the older generation deprived the community of its cultural heritage, because it preserved traditions, language and culture.

According to historical estimates, about 40 thousand Jews and Crimeans became victims of the Nazis in Crimea. After the Nazis were expelled from Crimea, only 499 Jews and Crimeans who lived here before the war remained alive.

Righteous Among the Nations

Despite the horrors of the war, 68 residents of Crimea were awarded the title of Righteous Among the Nations for saving Jews and Crimeans. Their feat is a reminder that even in the darkest of times, humanity can prevail.

Karaites and their unique fate

The Karaites are another indigenous people of Crimea who, although they have religious ties to Judaism, escaped genocide. This was made possible thanks to their efforts to prove, that they are Karaites, not Jews.

The Nazis’ rise to power in Germany and the introduction of anti-Jewish legislation prompted the German Karaite community, represented by eighteen former officers of the army of General Peter Wrangel, to apply to the Ministry of the Interior of the Third Reich to not recognize them as Jews. On January 5, 1939, the Reich Genealogical Research Agency accepted that Karaites do not belong to the Jewish religious community. During World War II, the Karaites, as a rule, were not persecuted by the Nazi authorities in the occupied territories.

After the attack on the USSR, the issue of Karaites was again discussed in German departments. The reason for this was a request sent to the Main Directorate of Reich Security (RSHA) from the commander of Einsatzgruppe “D” of the SD security police, which was preparing for the destruction of the Crimean Jewish community, about what policy should be implemented regarding the Karaites of Crimea. Berlin sent an explanation that the Karaites should not be destroyed. The issue of the Karaites in the occupied part of the USSR was discussed later, both in the RSHA and in the Ministry of the Occupied Eastern Territories.

Interesting fact:

Karaites practice a unique form of Judaism, rejecting the Talmud and basing themselves solely on the Tanakh.

Russia: from manipulation in the past to betrayal in the present

Throughout its history, Russia has skillfully used tragedies and conflicts to its advantage.

1. Distortion of history:

   Russian propaganda sometimes rejects the role of Jews and Crimeans as indigenous peoples, downplaying the significance of their tragedies.

2. Modern politics in Crimea:

   Since the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia has not recognized the rights of indigenous peoples to autonomy. Ukraine’s law on indigenous peoples has angered the Kremlin, further highlighting Russia’s desire to suppress the identity of small peoples.

3. Multi-vector manipulations:

   As during the Second World War, Russia today is playing on several fronts at once, posing as a peacemaker, but in reality pursuing only its geopolitical interests.

Lessons for Israel and Ukraine

This story should serve as a warning to Israel and Ukraine about the need to cooperate and confront common threats.

What does this tragedy teach Israel?

1. Don’t trust Russia:

   As history has shown, Russia easily betrays its “alliances” for the sake of strategic gain.

2. Focus on autonomy:

   It is important for Israel to rely on its own strengths to protect its interests, as well as strengthen its alliance with trusted partners such as the United States and the EU.

3. Memory as a unification tool:

   Joint preservation of the memory of the victims of Nazism is an important bridge between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples.

Why is it important to remember?

The Day of Remembrance of Crimean Jews and Krymchaks reminds us of the terrible pages of history that must not be forgotten. This is not only an act of respect for the victims, but also an important reminder of how quickly deceit and manipulation can lead to tragedy.

On the website NAnews – Israel News we tell how the unity of Israel and Ukraine, based on mutual understanding and common values, can confront the challenges of the modern world.

The memory of the past is our duty to the future. Only through joint efforts can we protect the rights of peoples, prevent new tragedies and fight for a peaceful future.

Leave a comment on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

…
Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Ukrainian edition of Michael Bar-Zohar’s book about Israel’s war with Hamas appeared not just in time, but almost symbolically accurately. Against the backdrop of a new round of war with Iran, proxy warfare, and Israel’s right to self-defense, this book becomes not only a chronicle of October 7 but also a tool for explaining the entire logic of the conflict to the Ukrainian reader.

In Ukraine, a book by the famous Israeli historian Michael Bar-Zohar “Iron Swords, Wounded Hearts. Israel’s Fateful War with Hamas” (Ukr. – “Залізні мечі, зранені серця. Доленосна війна Ізраїлю з ХАМАСом”) was published. The Ukrainian edition was published in 2025 by the publishing house “Nash Format”, is part of the series “Jewish Library”, has 272 pages, hardcover.

The book is already available in Ukrainian on the publisher’s website – https://nashformat.ua/products/zalizni-mechi-zraneni-sertsya.-dolenosna-vijna-izrailyu-z-hamasom-709830

The annotation states that Bar-Zohar began writing it already on October 8, 2023, the day after the Hamas attack, to capture what was happening before reality was distorted by fanaticism and propaganda.

And this is precisely what makes the Ukrainian release of the book important not only for the book market. Before us is not an ordinary translated novelty and not another volume about the Middle East for a narrow audience. Before us is an attempt to transfer to the Ukrainian language the Israeli internal view of the catastrophe of October 7, 2023 — with pain, with names, with awareness of the scale of the failure, with the question of the price of illusions, and with the understanding that the war with Hamas was never just a war with Hamas.

Why this book is not just about October 7

On the publisher’s page, the book is described in several dimensions:

“October 7, 2023, became one of the most tragic dates in Israel’s history. The barbaric attack by Hamas on border settlements and a peaceful rave party brought mass killings, destruction, and hostage-taking. The world saw horrifying footage of terrorist crimes and at the same time — waves of support for Hamas in foreign capitals. Already on October 8, writer and historian Michael Bar-Zohar began writing this book to capture the truth, not yet distorted by blind fanaticism and propaganda.

The author describes the heroism of ordinary Israelis, weaving in the personal tragedies of hostages; analyzes the prerequisites for the catastrophic failure of the security forces that made the attack possible; evaluates the actions of the Israel Defense Forces in response — the ‘Iron Swords’ operation. The advantage of the book is a deep study of the historical context of Arab-Israeli relations to explain the causes and scale of the conflict.

This is not just a document or chronicle. It is simultaneously an emotional report and a scientific study — about pain and determination, about the search for truth amid a sea of fakes, about a people fighting for their survival.”

That is, Bar-Zohar is not just writing a chronicle of the tragedy. He is essentially engaged in a more complex task: restoring cause-and-effect relationships where international discussion quickly began to blur them. In the first days after October 7, the world saw not only footage of massacres and kidnappings but also a wave of attempts to immediately fit the Israeli tragedy into already prepared ideological schemes. It is against this, if the book’s description is to be believed, that the author hurried to speak with the text — as a person who understands that in the modern war for memory and legitimacy, a delayed explanation almost always loses.

In this sense, the book is important even today, when the conversation about Israel’s security has once again expanded far beyond the Gaza Strip. After October 7, many wanted to present what was happening as a local flare-up, as another round of the old Palestinian-Israeli confrontation. But as events developed, it became increasingly clear: it is about a broader system of threats, where Hamas is just one of the elements.

Why the Ukrainian edition sounds stronger than an ordinary book news

The series “Jewish Library”, in which the book was released, has long been a notable project. On the store’s page, it is described as a cycle of modern books about the history, politics, science, military affairs, and leadership of modern Israel; among the authors are Michael Bar-Zohar, Nissim Mishal, Ronen Bergman, and others. Special emphasis is placed on topics such as “Mossad”, secret operations, the role of women in intelligence, and the practice of targeted killings as a tool of state defense.

But the history of the series is broader than a specific store display. In publications by the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine, the series is directly named as a project that started at the initiative of the JCU, and its distinctive feature has been the first Ukrainian translations of world bestsellers about Israel and outstanding Jews.

At the end of 2024, JCU President Boris Lozhkin said that the series selects precisely those books about Israel and the Jewish world that have become world bestsellers but have not previously been published in Ukrainian.

…

Boris Lozhkin is a Ukrainian businessman, investor, and public figure. According to the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine itself, he has been its president since 2018; there he is described as an entrepreneur, philanthropist, and author. Previously, he was the head of the Administration of the President of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko from 2014 to 2016.

JCU is the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine. Simply put, it is not a state body but a large public association of Jewish organizations in Ukraine. On Lozhkin’s website and the confederation itself, it is stated that the JCU unites independent social, charitable, and religious Jewish organizations.

…

This changes the perspective on the release of ‘Iron Swords’. Before us is not just a translation of a book by a famous author. Before us is part of a larger process: systematically opening Israeli historical, political, and military experience to the Ukrainian reader in their own language. And for a country that itself lives in war, this has a completely different weight than for the academic book market in peaceful Europe.

It is important to say directly: Ukrainians read books about Israel today not out of curiosity about a ‘foreign region’. They read them as texts about a state that has lived under the threat of rockets for decades, faces terror, debates the cost of intelligence failures, experiences the shock of losing citizens, and is simultaneously forced to repeatedly prove its right to defend itself. In this context, the Ukrainian translation of the book about October 7 is not a cultural courtesy towards Israel. It is a conversation in a language that is almost painfully familiar.

That is why NANovosti — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees in this publication not only a literary event but also an important element of the overall Ukrainian-Israeli dialogue. Because both countries, each in their own way, have long lived in the same nerve: how not to let the enemy steal not only territory and lives but also the very logic of what is happening.

What Boris Lozhkin’s post adds and why it is important

Boris Lozhkin in the presentation of the book for Ukrainian readers writes that Israel’s operation ‘Iron Swords’ was a direct response to the terrorist attack on October 7, 2023, by Hamas, and the current operation against Iran can be considered its logical continuation. This is a strong formulation because it gathers the war into a single chain: the Hamas attack, the Israeli response, and then the move to the source of a broader threat — the Iranian center of the proxy system.

This is no longer a publisher’s annotation. This is a political explanation of the book.

If you look closely at Lozhkin’s text, he does several important things at once. First, he places Bar-Zohar’s book in the current strategic framework. Not as evidence of a completed stage, but as a document that helps explain the current moment. Second, he emphasizes that Bar-Zohar began writing immediately after the attack precisely because it was necessary to counter the wave of disinformation about the causes of the war and Israel’s motives. And third, Lozhkin specifically translates the emotional meaning of the book into the Ukrainian experience: he writes that this is a book about the pain of loss, the right to freedom, and the value of every life — things that are extremely understandable to Ukrainians.

And this is perhaps one of the most accurate thoughts in this whole story.

Because the book about October 7, translated into Ukrainian, really begins to work not only as a story about Israel. It becomes a mirror. For a Ukrainian, it reads not only as the Middle East but also as their own experience: the suddenness of a major blow, the monstrosity of violence against civilians, the weakness of previous illusions, the cost of an underestimated threat, and the daily struggle to prevent the world from getting tired, distancing itself, or turning the plot upside down.

Why this book is especially important for the Israeli audience in Ukraine and Israel

For Israelis, for Jews of Ukraine, for the Israeli audience that follows the topic of October 7 in its international reflection, the release of this book in Ukraine is important for another reason. It shows that the Ukrainian space not only sympathizes with Israeli pain but also tries to understand it from within, through an Israeli source, and not through third-party retellings.

This is not a trifle.

Too often, stories about Israel outside the country begin to live a separate life: someone removes the context from them, someone blurs the subjectivity of the victims, someone turns terror into an abstraction, and self-defense into a problem. Bar-Zohar, judging by the book’s description, is trying to go against this. He writes about ordinary Israelis, about hostages, about the catastrophic failure of the security forces, and about the military response of the IDF, while simultaneously returning the historical context of Arab-Israeli relations.

And this is especially important now, when the discussion about Israel’s war again rests not only on Gaza but also on Iran, Hezbollah, the proxy network, and the general question: can we still pretend that each new flare-up exists separately from the previous one.

Therefore, the Ukrainian release of the book ‘Iron Swords, Wounded Hearts’ looks so precise right now. Because it coincided not just with interest in the topic of Israel, but with a moment when the very meaning of October 7 again requires protection and explanation. The book becomes a way to fix: the Hamas attack was not a random autonomous flare-up, and the Israeli response cannot be honestly discussed without talking about the broader architecture of the threat.

And there is another important layer in this. For Ukraine, which itself lives under the pressure of Russian disinformation and constant attempts to erase the original causes of the war, such a book is not a foreign plot, but a very understandable experience of resisting semantic blurring. For Israel, it is a sign that its tragedy and its right to self-defense in Ukraine are not just observed but are being seriously, attentively, and in their own language, understood.

In the end, we are indeed not just looking at a book novelty.

This is a cultural gesture. A political signal. And, if you will, another quiet but very important bridge between Ukraine and Israel — a bridge built not on slogans, but on memory, pain, facts, and an attempt to preserve the truth about the war before it is completely blurred by foreign versions.

How to buy the book

The book is already available in Ukrainian on the publisher’s website – https://nashformat.ua/products/zalizni-mechi-zraneni-sertsya.-dolenosna-vijna-izrailyu-z-hamasom-709830

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Former US Special Representative for Ukraine Kurt Volker stated that the Ukrainian experience of modern warfare needs to be integrated into the current defense model of the United States. It’s not just about helping Kyiv, but a broader issue: the battlefield has changed faster than Western armies have managed to adjust their doctrines, budgets, and industry.

Why the Ukrainian experience has become a matter of Western security

In an interview with Ukrinform, Volker emphasized that the US, the American defense industry, and many Western countries do not fully realize how important what Ukraine is doing has become for them. According to him, weapons that were considered key three years ago, including HIMARS, ATACMS, and artillery, no longer play the same role as in the early stages of the large war.

This does not mean that such systems have become unnecessary. They remain important, especially against large targets, command posts, warehouses, logistics, and distant objects.

But the war no longer looks like a confrontation of only expensive missiles, heavy artillery, and classic armored operations. Drones, mobile groups, electronic warfare, quick cheap solutions, and the ability to adapt literally within weeks have come to the forefront.

The main lesson from Ukraine — the cost of a shot has become a strategic factor

Volker drew attention to a problem well understood in Israel: you cannot endlessly respond with a million-dollar missile to a threat that costs tens of times less. American systems may be among the best in the world, but they are extremely expensive, and their stocks are not infinite.

That is why the Ukrainian war has become a laboratory for new defense. Ukraine was forced to seek solutions not in ideal conditions, but under constant Russian strikes, including with the use of Iranian Shahed.

Such a school of war is harsh, but it has yielded results. Kyiv has learned to build a layered defense where expensive systems are not spent on every cheap target but are complemented by more affordable interception means, drones, mobile fire groups, and technological solutions on the ground.

Israeli context: Patriot, Iran, and the problem of expensive defense

For the Israeli audience, Volker’s words sound especially clear. During the recent conflict with Iran, the cost of interception became not a theory but a question of the sustainability of the entire defense model. According to Ukrinform, citing CSIS estimates, the US had about 2330 Patriot interceptor missiles before the war against Iran, and then could use from 1060 to 1430 such missiles; the cost of one missile was estimated at about 3.9 million dollars, and the time to replenish stocks from the manufacturer was up to 42 months.

This is the very trap of expensive defense.

If the opponent launches a relatively cheap drone, and the defending side is forced to use a million-dollar missile against it, even a successful interception does not always mean a strategic victory. On the contrary, the opponent can achieve the depletion of the budget, stocks, and production capabilities.

In Israel, this logic has been understood for a long time, but the events of recent years have shown: even a developed air defense system needs constant updating. You cannot build security only on super-expensive interceptors when the opponent bets on mass, cheapness, and attrition.

That is why in the middle of this discussion it is important to see not only the American or Ukrainian but also the Middle Eastern context. For readers of NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency this topic is directly related to the question of how Israel, Ukraine, and the West should together respond to the same threat: the Russian-Iranian model of war, where drones, missiles, and propaganda work as a single pressure system.

Ukraine did not replace Patriot — it showed what it needs to be complemented with

Volker specifically emphasized that it is not about abandoning Patriot or other expensive systems. They are still needed, especially against ballistic missiles and complex air threats.

But if you rely only on them, the current defense model will be difficult to maintain in the long term. The Ukrainian experience shows a different approach: expensive means should be part of the system, not the only response to every threat.

This is especially important for countries living next to aggressive regimes. Israel faces Iran and its proxies. Ukraine faces Russia, which uses Iranian technologies and its own mass strike means. The US and Europe are forced to look at both theaters simultaneously and understand: the future war will not wait for industry to replenish stocks over years.

What exactly the West should take from Ukraine

Ukraine has effectively revolutionized the approach to war not because it had more resources, but because resources were lacking. This forced the creation of cheap drones, new ways to combat UAVs, flexible production schemes, and fast technology implementation lines.

Volker is talking about exactly this: Ukrainian solutions need not just be studied in reports but integrated into the defense models of the US and allies.

New defense must be faster than industrial bureaucracy

The classic Western defense system often works for years: tenders, tests, certification, contracts, production, supplies. In peacetime, such a model seems reliable.

In war, it can be late.

The Ukrainian model was born in a different logic: a threat was discovered, a temporary solution was found, tested on the front, improved, scaled. Yes, such a system does not always look perfect from the point of view of paperwork. But it provides what is especially valuable in modern warfare — speed.

For the US, this means the need to reconsider not only arsenals but also the mindset itself. You cannot only purchase the most expensive systems and think they will solve all tasks. Cheap interceptors, mass drones, swarm protection, flexible electronics, fast modernization, and production that can respond not in years but in months are needed.

Why this is important for Ukraine, Israel, and the entire West

Volker’s conclusion sounds extremely practical: the Ukrainian experience has already become part of Western security, even if the West itself has not fully recognized it yet.

Ukraine today is not just receiving help. It is producing knowledge that allies need. It shows how to fight against an army that relies on mass, terror, missiles, drones, and a willingness to expend people without count.

For Israel, there is also an important signal here. The war with Iran and its allies cannot be considered separately from Russia’s war against Ukraine. These regimes exchange technologies, political lessons, and methods of pressure. This means democratic countries must also exchange not only statements of support but real defense solutions.

Volker’s words are important for this very reason. He is not talking about symbolic gratitude to Ukraine, but about the need to restructure Western defense taking into account Ukrainian practice. In the new war, the winner is not only the one with the most expensive missile but the one who can respond quickly, massively, and intelligently to a cheap but dangerous threat.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) made a decision on March 13, 2025 regarding the tragic events in Odessa on May 2, 2014.

The court noted that the Ukrainian authorities committed certain violations and must pay compensation. At the same time, it emphasized that the events were largely caused by Russian propaganda.

The tragic events in Odessa and the ECHR decision

On May 2, 2014, a tragedy occurred in Odessa, resulting in the deaths of 47 people. Clashes between pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian activists led to violence, which later resulted in a fire at the Trade Unions House. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) recognized that the tragedy was a consequence of Russia’s intervention, which actively incited violence through its propaganda and information manipulation.

The court ordered Ukraine to pay compensation to the families of the victims and the injured, pointing to Russia’s responsibility for inciting violence.

Russia’s role in the tragedy and its consequences

The court emphasized that Russia bears primary responsibility for inciting violence in Odessa. Pro-Russian forces and Russian media actively spread false and provocative messages aimed at intensifying conflicts between pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian activists. Russia used these events as part of its hybrid war, trying to destabilize the situation in Ukraine.

The ECHR noted that Russian propaganda and disinformation played a key role in these tragic events, leading to numerous victims.

“Russia bears primary responsibility for inciting violence in Odessa, which resulted from active intervention and propaganda.”

These events, which occurred more than ten years ago, were only the first stage in the hybrid war that Russia continued to wage against Ukraine.

Putin’s Russia uses events for its propaganda and manipulation

After the tragedy in Odessa, Russian propaganda tried to present the events as “evidence of threats” to certain groups in Ukraine, such as Jews, and accuse the Ukrainian authorities of organizing pogroms. False reports of “Jewish pogroms” and “evacuations” spread in Russian and pro-Russian media, fueling an atmosphere of fear and panic.

“Russian propaganda used the tragedy as a tool of information warfare, attempting to create a false sense of threat.”

However, despite Russia’s manipulations and attempts to distort the facts, the ECHR made a fair and just decision, pointing to Russia’s responsibility for inciting violence and trying to destabilize Ukraine through information warfare.

The circumstances of the tragedy and the role of Ukrainian authorities

The ECHR also noted that Ukrainian law enforcement agencies made serious violations. Odessa police did little to prevent the attack on pro-Ukrainian activists using firearms, ignoring warnings about possible riots.

It was also established that fire trucks were delayed by 40 minutes, and the police did not intervene to help evacuate people. Many of the potential perpetrators of the tragedy, including high-ranking police officers, fled to Russia to avoid responsibility.

Who filed the lawsuit and what compensation will the victims receive

Lawsuits were filed with the European Court by the relatives of 25 victims and three survivors of the fire at the Trade Unions House. Among the plaintiffs were relatives of pro-Ukrainian activists who were killed by gunshot wounds, as well as families of those who were accidentally killed during the shooting. Pro-Russian activists’ families, who lost loved ones in the fire, also participated in the case. The court’s decision said that all applicants claimed that Ukraine could have prevented the tragedy and accused the authorities of inaction.

“The court ruled that Ukraine must pay compensation of 15,000 euros to the families of the deceased and 12,000 euros to three injured people who survived but sustained serious burns.”

The highest compensation, 17,000 euros, will be received by the daughter of Mikhail Vyacheslavov, who died in the fire, as she was unable to obtain her father’s body for burial for a long time.

The Jewish community of Odessa in the context of Russian propaganda

After the tragedy, Russian media actively spread false rumors about the preparation of the evacuation of Jews from Odessa and the threat of pogroms. Russian propaganda tried to create a false sense of danger for the Jewish community, which exacerbated the already tense atmosphere in the city. However, the community itself denied these rumors, stating that there was no real threat. These disinformation campaigns were part of Russia’s overall plan to incite hostility and disrupt ties between different ethnic and political groups in Ukraine.

Messages in Russian media about this alarm immediately took on a sensationalist character.

“Buses and armed guards: Odessa Jews are ready for evacuation,” shouted the headline on the Russia Today informational site, which spreads Russian propaganda in English. “Odessa again awaits Jewish pogroms,” read the headline on another news site, UralPress.

These messages appeared after Israel’s Jerusalem Post on May 5 published an article stating that the chief rabbi of Odessa and southern Ukraine, Abraham Wolf, who leads the “Chabad-Odessa” educational complex, had prepared 70 buses for the evacuation of the Jewish community following the events of May 2.

Conclusion

The tragedy in Odessa on May 2, 2014, was a consequence of Russia’s active actions, using its propaganda and interference to create tension and violence in Ukraine. The ECHR made a fair decision, pointing to Russia’s guilt in inciting violence and obliging Ukraine to pay compensation. Russian propaganda and informational manipulation could not change the truth, and justice prevailed. These events were only part of the broader hybrid war that Russia continued to wage against Ukraine, which eventually grew into a full-scale invasion in 2022.

The tragedy in Odessa on May 2, 2014, and the events surrounding it serve as an important reminder of how Russian propaganda can manipulate public opinion, even in countries far from Ukraine. NAnews – News of Israel, like other media, must be particularly careful about sources of information that can be used for disinformation. Russian propaganda continues to affect the global community, including Israelis, creating false narratives and distorting facts. It is important to filter sources and not succumb to manipulations to avoid falling under the influence of destructive information campaigns.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The German magazine KATAPULT, known for its visual journalism and social research, published an infographic in issue No. 39 (October–December 2025) that shocked the civilized world.

What KATAPULT Magazine No. 39 Showed

On the map is Ukraine, with the territories occupied by Russia highlighted in red: Crimea, the south of the Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, and most of Donbas.

The caption under the map is short but terrifying: 114,500 square kilometers.

The headline sounds simple, almost mundane — “Wie viel Land Russland in der Ukraine besetzt hat” — “How much land Russia has occupied in Ukraine”.
And below is a question that strikes any normal person:

“Wie viel das in deinem Land wäre?” — “How would this look in your country?”

Below the map of Ukraine, the editorial team placed fifteen mini-maps: Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Spain, Turkey, USA, Belarus, Finland, Portugal, Greece, Belgium, Czech Republic, Sweden, and Russia.

On each of them, the same area — 114,500 km² — is shaded in red, so everyone can see: if Russia took as much as in Ukraine, what would disappear on their own map.

This visualization turns dry numbers into a personal feeling — into a real, physical awareness of loss.

Scale: Comparison with Israel

To truly understand the scale, one just needs to look at the numbers.
The area of Israel in “internationally recognized borders” is 20,770 square kilometers.

If you add the Golan Heights and East Jerusalem — territories that Israel considers its own, (but more than 150 countries and the UN do not recognize their annexation, and recognition has been fully or partially expressed only by the USA, several Latin American countries, and some states in Africa and Oceania), — the total area will be about 22,000 square kilometers.

Add the controlled areas in Judea and Samaria — Zone C, about 60% of these lands, — and the area increases to 26,000.
And if you include all of Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip, it will be about 28,000 square kilometers.

Now the comparison.

The Russian occupation covers 114,500 square kilometers.
This is more than five times the size of all of Israel in “internationally recognized borders”,
and about four times larger than modern Israel along with Judea, Samaria, and Gaza.

Even if we recall the historical maximum of 1967–1982, when Israel controlled Sinai, the Golan, Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, —
the entire territory was about 88,000 square kilometers.

And even then, Israel was smaller than the currently occupied part of Ukraine — by almost thirty thousand square kilometers.

If you transfer a “spot” of 114,500 km² onto the map of the Middle East, it would cover all of Israel, all of Judea and Samaria, Gaza, and Sinai —
and there would still be room for Lebanon + Cyprus, or one and a half Qatar, or an entire Kuwait.

What Exactly KATAPULT Magazine No. 39 Printed

The KATAPULT editorial team did not limit itself to the map of Ukraine.
The issue’s pages feature maps of fifteen countries — from Germany to the USA —
and on each of them, the same red spot of 114,500 km² is marked.

The editorial wrote:

“Diese Karten zeigen, wie groß die von Russland besetzten Gebiete der Ukraine sind – im Vergleich zu anderen Ländern.”
(“These maps show how large the territory occupied by Russia in Ukraine is – compared to other countries.”)

These data show that if such a scale of occupation were transferred to any European country, it would lose a third or half of its territory.
And small states, like Belgium and the Czech Republic, would disappear from the map entirely.

KATAPULT makes the reader literally feel the scale of the catastrophe.
What looks like a red spot on the map is, in reality, cities, schools, streets, and millions of lives.

When a Map Stops Being Just Geography

On behalf of the editorial team of NAnews, we can say only one thing:
this map is not just a piece of journalism, but a visual scream.
In these lands, people are tortured, killed, raped.
Books are burned there, language is erased, children are stolen and prepared to one day take up arms against their country.

Every square kilometer on the KATAPULT map is a home that no longer exists,
and a family that will never return.

The publication of the German magazine is not about numbers, but about the conscience of the world.
About the fact that before our eyes, there is an attempt to rewrite the world,
and that Ukraine, defending itself, defends the very idea that
the borders of nations are not drawn with blood.

Ukraine must regain all its land — all of Donbas and all of Crimea.
Not partially. Not “by agreement”.
Completely. Because a world where territory can be stolen with impunity ceases to be a world.

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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Understanding modern Russia through ceremonial formulas, state slogans, and pseudo-historical manifestos has long been impossible. The structure of this system is much more accurately revealed elsewhere: in the language of the zone, in the cult of power, in the hierarchy of ‘pahan — six’, in the romanticization of the bandit as a hero, and in the habit of turning violence into a norm. This idea is thoroughly examined in the podcast (Ukr.) “TYURYAGA.RU: Brigade, Brother, Word of a Guy and Other Hits of RU Culture” by the authors of Center for MordoRU Research, where prison culture is shown not as a byproduct, but as one of the basic codes of Russian public life.

The key bond of Russian culture today… PRISON! And this is not only because many Muscovites have served time or are planning to do so in the future. But consider that the current Russian elite not only does not disdain criminal chanson as a national style of music, but also pours crazy money into criminalized cinema — from films like “Brother” or “Boomer” to series — the classic “Brigade” and the more modern “Word”.

What caused such an infusion of the Russian people with prison culture and what consequences it has today — are discussed by Deputy Director of the CPI Alina Alexeeva and cultural sociologist Bogdan-Oleg Gorobchuk.

For the Israeli audience, this conversation is especially important.

In Israel, they understand too well what happens to a society where power begins to be passed off as truth, and aggression as character. When a regime grows next to the democratic world, feeding on criminal aesthetics, humiliation of the weak, and the cult of a harsh hierarchy, it is no longer a question of foreign pop culture. It is a question of security, political thinking, and how violence becomes an export commodity.

Why prison has become not a metaphor, but a model

In the discussed video, a harsh but accurate formula is voiced: the real deep Russia is most conveniently read through criminal psychology.

Not through officialdom, not through school textbooks, and not through the decorations of ‘great culture’, but through prison logic, where the world is divided not into citizens, but into castes, where dignity is replaced by status, and freedom is substituted by submission.

The essence of this model is extremely simple and therefore so tenacious. Either you are a ‘pahan’, or you are a ‘six’. The system does not like a third position. It poorly tolerates an autonomous person who does not want to either dominate or submit. That is why it so needs a constant ritual of inclusion in the pack: through fear, through violence, through symbolic or literal blood, through coercion to participate. The podcast separately analyzes the logic of teenage initiation, where the right to be ‘one of us’ must be earned through humiliation, fighting, and rejection of one’s own individuality.

This is especially noticeable in the example of the discussion of the series ‘Word of a Guy’. It is shown not just as a nostalgic product about the end of the USSR or about tough neighborhoods. In the video, it is interpreted as a screen textbook of Soviet-post-Soviet street and prison hierarchy, where a teenager is forced to ‘sew’ to a group so as not to remain an outsider, and belonging to the collective is almost formalized as initiation into a closed male order.

And here an important key point emerges. The problem is not in one series and not even in one genre. The problem is that this logic in Russia does not look archaic. The podcast authors directly say: this is not a museum exhibit and not a critic’s invention, but a living culture that continues to reproduce in school, in music, in everyday language, in male rituals, in politics, and in mass imagination.

From the yard to the state

An important part of the conversation is devoted to how street and prison hierarchy rises up the levels of society.

First, it’s the yard, school, teenage group. Then — the criminal world of the 90s. Then — the new elite, which stops being ashamed of criminal taste and begins to consider it a sign of strength and status. And then the main thing happens: the state does not destroy this culture, but negotiates with it, absorbs it, and turns it into its own tool.

The podcast emphasizes that the end of the 80s and the 90s gave this environment a huge chance. The collapse of old institutions, the fall of the authority of power structures, the struggle for capital, and the redistribution of property brought criminal mechanisms out of the shadows into the center of public life. Later, the authorities learned not so much to defeat this world as to balance with it and use its code as part of a new normality.

That is why in the Russian system, prison is not just a place of detention. It is a way of unifying society. It is a model that teaches: at the top, there should be one, the rest are distributed by ranks; humanity hinders management; humiliation is an acceptable method; fear is a useful resource. In the discussed video, this idea is voiced as one of the central theses.

Why this is important to understand in Israel

For Israel, where the issue of social stability is always linked to security, this topic is not theoretical.

The Russian-speaking environment in the country has faced the import of post-Soviet cultural codes for decades — from television nostalgia to the language of rough male ‘truth’. And if you do not timely distinguish where everyday habit ends and the normalization of violence begins, you can miss the moment when bandit aesthetics start to seem like a ‘strong style’, rather than a symptom of moral degradation.

Israeli society is built on the opposite idea: strength is needed to protect life, not to deify the predator. That is why it is important for the reader here to see the difference between military responsibility and criminal romanticism. Between the army as an institution of civil defense and a gang as a machine of domination. Between a defender and a ‘cool guy’. These are different worlds, even if from the outside someone wants to reduce them to one word — strength.

How cinema, music, and series trained the viewer

One of the strongest lines of the podcast is the analysis of not only ideology but also media.

Because no toxic system holds on fear alone. It needs an attractive shell. It needs evil to look stylish, and humiliation to seem natural.

The video authors recall how in the 90s and later Russian series and films about bandits became part of the general media space and in Ukraine too. ‘Brigade’, ‘Brother’, ‘Bandit Petersburg’, and other stories sold the viewer not just a plot about criminals. They sold an emotional package: brotherhood, oath, loyalty to the pack, the right of the strong, the charisma of a person without brakes. And for teenagers, this often worked as a ready-made role model.

The podcast separately mentions that after watching such stories, boys would come to school and literally start playing Sasha Bely. This is a crucial detail. Mass culture here did not reflect reality but taught it. It offered a ready-made mask of masculinity, in which crime looked almost like initiation, and an oath to the gang — as a high moral act.

Especially indicative is the analysis of the film ‘Brother’. In the discussion, it is called not a neutral classic, but a film that laid a time bomb. The reason is clear: the central character acts as a bearer of unconditional right to violence, and the story itself teaches the viewer not to empathize with the law, but to admire the person who shoots first and then justifies himself with talk of truth. When such aesthetics live in the mass consciousness for decades, they begin to form the political instinct of an entire country.

Chanson as the music of the national subconscious

Equally important is the musical part of this cultural code.

The video thoroughly discusses that for the new Russian elite of the 90s and subsequent years, chanson and criminalized aesthetics became not a shameful periphery, but an organic part of status. This was listened to, ordered in restaurants, marked ‘coolness’ with it, and demonstrated belonging to the right male world through it.

Another thesis sounds even harsher: this culture did not remain in the past. The podcast gives examples of modern tracks and trends where the chanson code, criminal language, and bandit image are again packaged in a fashionable form — through pop, TikTok aesthetics, ‘gangster’ recitative, and visual quotes from the old criminal world.

That is, the system does not just keep an archive. It constantly updates the showcase.

It is here in the middle of the conversation that it becomes especially clear why NANovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency raises such topics for the Russian-speaking audience in Israel. It is not about a film review and not about someone else’s nostalgia. It is about cultural vaccination: the more accurately society recognizes the mechanisms of romanticizing violence, the harder it is to sell the old prison code under the guise of ‘tradition’, ‘tough character’, or ‘real male truth’.

School as an early conveyor

One of the most disturbing topics in the transcription is the school environment. It is directly stated that in the Russian model, children come to school and are divided into castes: ‘guys’ and ‘not guys’.

This is not just slang. This is the language of early sorting of people by the principle of strength and suitability to the pack.

The comparative emphasis is also important. Podcast participants note that in Ukraine, similar models were once also felt as inertia of the 90s and as a result of Russian cultural influence, but after the Revolution of Dignity and against the backdrop of war, the social structure began to change: children became closer not to bandit brotherhood, but to the image of a defender, a soldier, a fighter who answers not to a pahan, but to the country.

This is a fundamental fork. Where growing up is built around a criminal caste, a person learns to humiliate and submit. Where growing up is associated with responsibility and a civic role, he learns to protect and withstand blows without turning into a predator. The difference is colossal.

From the romance of the zone to war and politics

The heaviest part of this conversation begins where prison culture ceases to be a topic of series and music and moves into direct politics. The podcast insists: the romanticization of the zone in Russia is closely intertwined with the romanticization of war. The logic is almost literal — if crime, power, and domination have long been perceived as a normal path to status, then external aggression is easily presented as a continuation of the same male ritual.

The video directly draws a link between the recruitment of prisoners, Prigozhin’s practice, and the transformation of a former convict into an acceptable, and sometimes even heroized, participant in the war.

The formula sounds extremely grim: killed, served time, went to war, killed again, got out — and became part of the norm. The podcast authors emphasize that in Ukraine there is no such conveyor as a cultural model, whereas in Russia it literally comes ‘out of every hole’.

This explains a lot for Israel as well. When a country faces not just an opponent, but a society where violence is embedded in the mass myth of dignity, any negotiation illusions require additional sobriety. Because in front of you is not only the state apparatus but also a long-standing school of emotional habituation to cruelty.

Why ‘strength in truth’ turns into a license to kill

The podcast very accurately exposes one of the main substituted concepts of Russian mass culture: the famous formula about truth and strength has long been detached from ethics and has become a convenient verbal cover for arbitrariness. First, a person kills, and then begins to philosophize about truth. First, destroys, and then declares it justice.

Such a mechanism looks spectacular in cinema, but in real politics, it turns into justification for any aggression.

Hence the particular toxicity of such cultural products. They do not just make the bandit ‘understandable’. They teach the viewer an important psychological move: first to sympathize with the abuser, then to adopt his lexicon, and then to consider his moral justifications convincing. This is the deep work of propaganda, where the path to political violence is paved not only by news but also by soundtracks, series, replicas, memes, and archetypes.

Why the Russian model is dangerous for neighbors

Russia has long been unable to export attractive modernity. But it is good at exporting nerve, fear, rudeness, and infected cultural forms. This applies not only to politics but also to media. Where the Russian cultural code long remained the norm, it eroded the very notion of masculinity, solidarity, and success.

Instead of dignity came status.

Instead of freedom — belonging to the pack. Instead of law — the personal ‘truth’ of the strong.

For countries that are nearby, including Israel as a state with a large Russian-speaking community and a keen sense of historical threat, this is an important lesson. Criminal romanticism cannot be treated as a harmless style. Very often it is a training ground for future political barbarism.

What to oppose to this matrix

The answer to this cultural model is not in censorship hysteria and not in panic before every series.

The answer is in clear moral distinction.

Things need to be called by their names: bandit pathos does not make a person strong, prison aesthetics do not make culture deep, and violence, even beautifully filmed, does not become valor.

This is intuitively understandable to the Israeli reader. Here the price of error is too high, the feeling of real threat is too close, and it is too well known how easily the cult of power without morality turns into a cult of destruction. That is why the conversation about ‘Brother’, ‘Brigade’, chanson, and ‘Word of a Guy’ is not a conversation about someone else’s past. It is a conversation about how to recognize moral infection before it begins to pass itself off as the norm.

This is the main conclusion that follows from the podcast. Prison in the Russian case is not only an institution of punishment. It is a cultural factory, the language of power, a way of socialization, a source of pop heroes, and a political textbook for the masses. And as long as this factory operates, Russia will again and again produce not a citizen, but a pack member; not a free person, but a bearer of rank instinct; not a culture of life, but a culture of domination and death.

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Ukraine is transitioning the fight against stolen grain to a new format. After scandals with ships transporting agricultural products from temporarily occupied territories, Kyiv no longer wants to act manually — from one port to another, from one request to another, from one diplomatic scandal to the next.

On April 30, 2026, Volodymyr Zelensky announced that Ukraine is building a system to counter the Russian ‘shadow grain fleet.’ According to him, these are ships used to transport grain stolen from temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Kyiv wants to work in this direction just as it does with the Russian shadow oil fleet: through sanctions, evidence, pressure on intermediaries, insurance companies, shipowners, captains, ports, and buyer states.

Israel in this story remains just one of the latest episodes. The main thing now is broader: Ukraine shows that it will pursue not only Russian ships but the entire international chain that helps Moscow sell stolen grain as a regular commodity.

What exactly did Zelensky announce

On the evening of April 30, Zelensky reported that Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha informed him about contacts with partners and the synchronization of sanctions. Separately, the President of Ukraine highlighted work on the Russian ‘shadow grain fleet’ — ships that, according to Kyiv, transport grain taken from occupied territories.

This is an important formulation. Ukraine no longer speaks only about a specific batch of grain or a single ship. Kyiv is building a permanent mechanism that should preemptively identify the route, cargo, shipowner, flag, insurer, destination port, and companies involved in the deal.

Essentially, Ukraine wants to make trading in stolen grain toxic. So that every participant in the chain understands: if they accept such cargo, insure such a ship, process documents, or unload a batch, they may face sanctions, investigation, and an international scandal.

Why is this compared to the shadow oil fleet

The Russian shadow oil fleet has already become a separate sanction problem for the West. Moscow uses ships with opaque ownership, flag changes, complex routes, transshipments, and intermediaries to bypass restrictions and continue earning from exports.

Now Ukraine wants to apply a similar logic to grain. Only here it is not about oil, but about products that, according to Kyiv, were taken from captured territories: from ports, elevators, and agricultural areas under Russian control.

On November 25, 2025, Ukraine imposed sanctions against 56 sea vessels that, according to Kyiv, illegally entered Ukrainian ports temporarily occupied by Russia and exported food. The official statement from the President of Ukraine directly mentioned the closed ports of Sevastopol and Feodosia, as well as thousands of tons of Ukrainian wheat, sunflower, and other agricultural products.

How Ukraine plans to pressure other countries

The main tool is not military, but legal, diplomatic, and sanction-based. Ukraine cannot physically stop ships in foreign ports, but it can make their reception a problem for the receiving country.

The first way is official requests. Kyiv can send documents to states requesting to detain the ship, arrest the cargo, seize ship documentation, take grain samples, and interrogate the crew. This approach was applied in the case of PANORMITIS: Ukraine asked to check the origin of the cargo and not allow it to pass as a regular commercial batch.

The second way is sanction synchronization with partners. Ukraine seeks to ensure that its sanction lists do not remain only an internal Ukrainian document but transition to a mode of international pressure: the EU, USA, UK, Switzerland, and other partners can impose restrictions against ships, owners, captains, traders, and intermediary companies.

The third way is public market warning. After the situation with PANORMITIS, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha stated that this is a signal for ships, captains, operators, insurers, and governments: do not buy stolen Ukrainian grain and do not become part of the crime.

Who will be targeted first

Ukraine will pressure not only buyer countries. Most likely, the main targets will be those who make the scheme possible.

These are shipowners and operators who provide ships. These are captains who enter closed ports or participate in dubious transshipments. These are companies that process documents and sell the cargo further. These are insurers, without whom large maritime trade becomes risky. These are ports that accept cargo even when the origin of the grain raises questions.

A separate area is flag states. If a ship sails not under the Russian flag, Ukraine can appeal to the country of registration and demand a response: inspections, license revocations, registry exclusions, or at least an official investigation. Ukrainian sanction materials have already indicated that some ships sailed under flags of countries other than Russia, and Kyiv intends to work with such states separately.

Which countries are already featured in the routes

According to Ukrainian reports and international media, the problem is not limited to one direction. Materials on the Russian grain fleet mentioned deliveries to various countries in the Middle East and the Mediterranean. Publicly mentioned were Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, and Israel, as well as other markets where products may end up after re-registration or mixing of batches.

Reuters reported that from January to April 2026 alone, 25 ships of the Russian grain fleet made about 50 voyages from occupied Ukrainian ports to third countries, exporting more than 850 thousand tons of grain. This is no longer isolated smuggling but stable maritime logistics.

For Ukraine, this is fundamental. If such routes are not broken, Russia gains two benefits: it profits from stolen products and makes the occupation economically beneficial for itself.

Why this becomes an international problem

Stolen grain is difficult to trace after mixing. A trader can claim that the batch is Russian. A carrier can refer to documents. An importer can say they are not obliged to check the political history of each cargo. A port can assert that it only works with formal papers.

This is precisely what the scheme relies on. The more intermediaries between the occupied territory and the final buyer, the easier it is to blur the origin of the goods.

NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency in this context is important to consider not as a story about one port or one country, but as part of a larger question: can Ukraine turn evidence of stolen grain into an international mechanism of accountability.

What can the EU do

The European Union has already indicated that it is ready to consider sanctions against individuals and companies in third countries if they help Russia bypass restrictions or finance the war. In the context of the grain scandal, European representatives spoke about their readiness to apply measures against those involved in such schemes.

This is a key point. If the threat of sanctions becomes real, the problem will go beyond Ukrainian statements. Then a buyer in any country will consider not only the price of grain but also the risk of losing access to the European market, banking operations, insurance, and international contracts.

For business, this is often stronger than moral arguments. It’s one thing to argue with Kyiv. It’s another to end up on the EU or US sanctions list.

Why ports and insurers become a weak point of the scheme

Maritime trade depends on trust. A ship must be insured, documents must be accepted, a port must allow entry, cargo must be paid for, a bank must process the payment. If even a few elements of the chain start to refuse, the scheme becomes more expensive and risky.

That’s why Ukraine will work not only with governments but also with the market. A captain must understand that his name may end up on a sanctions list. An insurance company must understand that servicing such a voyage may lead to an investigation. A port must understand that unloading a dubious batch may become a political scandal.

This will not instantly stop the entire scheme. But it changes the cost of risk.

What the new strategy of Kyiv means

Ukraine is effectively opening a new front — not military, but economic-legal. The goal is not to let Russia calmly turn occupation into export, and stolen grain into a normal international commodity.

To achieve this, Kyiv will collect data on ships, publish lists, impose sanctions, seek synchronization with partners, warn buyer countries, pressure ports, and work through the prosecutor’s office. Individual cases, like PANORMITIS, become not an end in themselves but a test of the system: can a ship be stopped before unloading, can an importer be forced to refuse a batch, can fear be created for the next participants in the route.

The main meaning of Zelensky’s statement is that Ukraine no longer wants to chase each ship at the last minute. Kyiv is trying to build a network in which the Russian grain fleet will find it increasingly difficult to hide behind flags, intermediaries, paper documents, and the indifference of buyer countries.

And if such a system works, then for Russia, stolen grain will cease to be easy prey. It will become a cargo with a political, legal, and sanction trail.

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