Ukraine is bringing back to the homeland figures of the national movement of the 20th century, but Israel reminds: the memory of the Holocaust cannot be a secondary topic. The reburial of Andriy Melnyk near Kyiv has become a new test for Ukrainian-Israeli dialogue.

Israel sharply responded to Kyiv: why the reburial of Andriy Melnyk became a dispute over memory

The Israeli Foreign Ministry issued sharp criticism following the official reburial ceremony of OUN leader Andriy Melnyk and his wife Sofia Fedak-Melnyk at the National Military Memorial Cemetery near Kyiv.

For the Ukrainian side, this event was part of bringing back to the homeland historical figures of the national liberation movement. For Israel and the Jewish world, it was a painful reminder of those pages of the 20th century where the national struggle intersected with collaboration with Nazi Germany.

On May 25, 2026, a message was published on the website of the President of Ukraine stating that Volodymyr Zelensky participated in the reburial ceremony of Andriy Melnyk and his wife. In the Ukrainian official framework, the ceremony was presented as the return to Ukrainian soil of people associated with the struggle for independence and the historical memory of the state.

But almost immediately, a reaction followed from Jerusalem. The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that it regrets the decision to hold a state reburial ceremony for OUN leader Andriy Melnyk, whom the Israeli department called a person “who collaborated with the Nazis.” The statement from the Israeli Foreign Ministry included the formula: “one cannot ignore the historical truth and the memory of the victims killed by the Nazis and their accomplices.”

Why Israel’s reaction was so harsh

For Israel, this topic is not an ordinary diplomatic disagreement.

It is about the memory of the Holocaust, about millions of murdered Jews, and about how modern states deal with figures whose biographies are “connected” with movements that collaborated with Nazi Germany.

The memorial complex Yad Vashem also issued criticism. Its statement said that the state reburial of Andriy Melnyk causes “serious concern.” Yad Vashem emphasized that “honoring the leader of a movement that supported and collaborated with Nazi Germany during the persecution and murder of millions of Jews undermines the moral foundation of Holocaust memory.”

This is an important moment.

The Israeli reaction stems not only from current politics. It is based on historical trauma, which remains part of the national identity of Israel and the Jewish people worldwide.

Ukraine today is waging a war against Russian aggression and trying to restore its own historical pantheon after decades of Soviet pressure. But for Jerusalem, there is a boundary that cannot be removed from the conversation just because Ukraine is at war. The memory of the Holocaust for Israel is not a secondary diplomatic detail but a moral foundation.

Two different frameworks of one biography

Andriy Melnyk is a figure that cannot be explained in one sentence. In Ukrainian historical memory, he is associated with the national movement, the struggle against Soviet power, and a military and political line that considered Ukraine’s independence as the main goal. After the split of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, he led the Melnyk wing of the OUN.

But this is where the conflict of memory begins.

For the Jewish and Israeli perspective, the OUN is not only an anti-Soviet movement. It is also an organization, part of whose history is connected with collaboration with Nazi Germany during World War II. That is why state honors for one of its leaders are perceived in Israel not as an internal Ukrainian matter but as a “question of historical responsibility.”

The Ukrainian side speaks of the struggle for independence. The Israeli side responds: the memory of the struggle for independence cannot “displace the memory of the victims of the Nazis and their accomplices.”

Ukraine, Israel, and the risk of the Russian trap

For the Israeli audience, this story is particularly sensitive. NAnews — Israel News considers such topics not as a foreign historical dispute but as part of a larger conversation about how Ukraine and Israel can maintain allied dialogue without silencing the difficult pages of the past.

It is important here not to fall into the Russian propaganda trap. The Kremlin has been trying for years to use the topic of Ukrainian nationalism to justify aggression against Ukraine, erase the reality of Russian crimes, and replace the conversation about the war with convenient historical clichés. This does not make the Russian position honest. Russia itself is waging a war of conquest, striking Ukrainian cities, destroying homes, and killing civilians.

But Russian propaganda does not negate the complexity of Ukrainian historical memory.

Moscow cannot be allowed to turn any discussion about Ukraine’s past into a weapon against the Ukrainian state. However, one cannot pretend that painful questions do not exist. Especially when it comes to the Holocaust, Jewish memory, and state ceremonies that the whole world sees.

Why this is important right now

Ukraine is in a situation where it needs to strengthen national identity, support the moral front, and restore names that have been displaced by Soviet historical policy for decades.

This is understandable.

But Israel views this process through its own historical trauma. For the Jewish state, the question sounds different: can a leader of a movement be honored at the state level if that movement is associated not only with the struggle against the USSR but also with collaboration with Nazi Germany?

Jerusalem’s answer is now clear: this part of history cannot be ignored.

That is why the reaction of the Israeli Foreign Ministry and Yad Vashem was so harsh. It was addressed not only to Kyiv but to everyone who tries to separate the national heroic narrative from the memory of the Holocaust victims. For Israel, such separation is impossible.

What this means for Kyiv and Jerusalem relations

This episode is unlikely to destroy the relations between Ukraine and Israel.

Important ties remain between the two countries: communities, repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, humanitarian contacts, and a shared sensitivity to threats from Russia and Iran.

But the scandal shows that historical memory remains a zone of risk. Even when countries have common interests, even when one of them is defending against aggression, the memory of the Holocaust does not disappear from the diplomatic agenda.

For Kyiv, this is a signal: Ukrainian memory policy requires subtlety, especially where it intersects with Jewish history. For Israel, it is a reminder that Ukraine is experiencing a war for existence and at the same time trying to reassemble its national historical language.

There is no simple compromise between these two realities. But there is a need to speak honestly.

Main conclusion

Ukraine has the right to reclaim its own history after decades of Soviet and Russian pressure. But when state honors concern figures associated with movements that collaborated with Nazi Germany, Israel and Yad Vashem cannot remain silent.

For the Jewish world, the memory of the Holocaust is not a political detail and not a subject of tactical bargaining. It is a moral boundary.

That is why the dispute over Andriy Melnyk has become not just a historical discussion but a test of whether Ukraine and Israel can talk about the past without propaganda, without silence, and without destroying today’s dialogue.

NAnews — Israel News will continue to monitor how this topic develops further because for the Israeli audience, the question of Holocaust memory, Ukraine, and modern political choice remains not archival but alive.

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The Kremlin wanted to show fear. The opposite effect was achieved.

Russia once again tried to speak to the world in the language of threats.

This time the signal came through the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Sergey Lavrov. After a conversation with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, it became known that the Russian side warned foreign embassies that Kyiv would allegedly become a “very dangerous place” and recommended that diplomats, mission staff, and US citizens leave the Ukrainian capital.

But in Kyiv, this warning did not have the effect that, apparently, was expected in Moscow.

Washington did not announce an evacuation. The European Union did not rush to pack suitcases. Western diplomats remained in the city, which has been living under Russian missiles, drones, sirens, and night explosions for the fifth year.

Marco Rubio responded almost coldly. According to him, Lavrov informed him about the warnings that Moscow sent to the embassies. But Kyiv itself, the US Secretary of State reminded, has long been a dangerous place—not because of a single call from Moscow, but because of the Russian war itself.

And in this phrase was the main meaning.

Russia did not reveal a new threat to the world. It simply once again acknowledged that it continues terror against the capital of a European state.

“We are not going anywhere”: Europe responded without panic.

The position of the EU ambassador to Ukraine, Katarina Mathernova, sounded even harsher. She stated that Russia is once again threatening diplomats and foreigners, urging them to leave Kyiv, but the European mission is not going anywhere.

It was not a long diplomatic statement. Rather—a direct response to Kremlin blackmail.

Moscow wanted to create a picture: foreign embassies are closing, cars with diplomatic numbers are leaving Kyiv, Ukrainians see that partners are scared. This is exactly how the psychological part of the Russian war works. The strike should begin not only in the sky but also in the head.

First—a warning.

Then—alarm.

Then—rumors, panic, empty streets, the feeling that the city is left alone with missiles.

But this time the Kremlin got a completely different picture. Kyiv was not left without a Western presence. Diplomats did not become participants in the Russian staging. And Lavrov’s threat turned not into a demonstration of strength, but into another proof that Moscow increasingly relies on fear because it cannot achieve a political victory otherwise.

For the Israeli audience, this plot sounds especially understandable. Israelis know what it is like to live under the threat of rocket attacks when the enemy strikes not only at buildings but also at public stability. Terror always counts on the second wave—not explosive, but psychological.

That is why NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this story not just as an episode of diplomatic skirmish between Washington, Brussels, and Moscow. It is an example of how state terror tries to become an instrument of international politics: threatening the capital, pressuring diplomats, scaring Ukraine’s allies, and forcing the West to be cautious where firmness is needed.

Lavrov’s threat is not strength, but a nervous gesture.

If you look at the situation without Kremlin noise, the picture becomes quite clear.

Russia regularly attacks Ukraine anyway. Kyiv and other cities have already experienced massive missile strikes, “Shaheds,” ballistics, combined night attacks. For Ukrainians, this is not theory and not news. This is the reality in which people wake up to sirens, check messages about hits, go to the subway, descend into shelters, and in the morning return to work, schools, hospitals, volunteering, and the army.

Therefore, the phrase “Kyiv will become a dangerous place” sounds almost cynical.

It is already dangerous—because Russia made it so.

But the Kremlin needed not just to warn. It needed to amplify the effect. To make the threat a separate news item. To make world capitals discuss not the Russian defeat, not Ukraine’s resilience, not the need for air defense, but the question: “Isn’t it time to leave Kyiv?”

It didn’t work.

Western missions stayed. And this became a political response without unnecessary words.

Missiles instead of victory: why Moscow chooses terror again.

The Russian army could not quickly break Ukraine. Could not take Kyiv in 2022. Could not turn the Ukrainian state into ruins governed from Moscow. Could not make Ukrainians accept occupation as a “new reality.”

Therefore, the Putin system returns to the old method: hitting cities and waiting for civil society to tire before the army.

This is not a military strategy of a winner. This is the logic of terrorists who try to compensate for failures on the front with strikes on the capital, energy, residential areas, and infrastructure.

Yes, Russia is still capable of producing missiles. Yes, it still has reserves. Yes, it can concentrate means of destruction for individual waves of strikes. And yes, new massive attacks on Kyiv are quite likely.

But the important thing is: there is nothing fundamentally new in this.

Ukraine has already gone through nights when the sky over cities was filled with drones. Through winters when Moscow tried to leave people without light and heat. Through strikes on residential buildings, stations, hospitals, universities, shopping centers. Through attempts to make life impossible.

And every time the calculation was the same: let people be more afraid than they hate the aggressor.

Putin never understood the main thing. Strikes on Ukrainian cities do not make people “surrender.” They make society tougher, more collected, and angrier. Every destroyed house becomes another proof that concessions to terror do not stop terror.

What the West should understand.

The story with Lavrov’s threats is also a test for Ukraine’s allies.

The problem is not only that Russia threatens Kyiv. The problem is that it tests how far it can go if Ukraine lacks air defense systems, interceptor missiles, and political support for a long war.

If Moscow sees a deficit of Western aid, it intensifies terror. If it sees hesitation, it raises the stakes. If it hears talks about “freezing” without holding the aggressor accountable, it perceives this as an invitation to press further.

Therefore, the response should not be in the evacuation of diplomats, but in strengthening the protection of the Ukrainian sky.

Kyiv needs not sympathetic formulations after each attack, but air defense, missiles for Patriot systems, modern interception means, intelligence data, sanctions against the Russian military industry, and a clear political signal: terror will not bring Moscow a negotiating victory.

For Israel, this logic is also important. A region where the missile threat has long been part of security understands well the price of weak signals. When terrorist tactics yield results, they are repeated. When blackmail meets a tough response, the space for maneuver for the aggressor narrows.

Kyiv stayed in place—and this is already a response to Moscow.

The Kremlin wanted Lavrov’s threat to be the beginning of great anxiety.

It turned out differently.

Kyiv continues to live. Diplomats remain. Ukraine does not look abandoned. And the Russian rhetoric once again shows the main thing: Moscow is still trying to win not by the power of the future, but by the fear of the past—missiles, blackmail, night strikes, and the habit of talking to neighbors as hostages.

But fear did not become capitulation.

Western embassies did not leave the Ukrainian capital. And this fact is more important than many statements. Because in the war of nerves, sometimes the strongest action is simply to stay where you are being driven out by threats.

Russia can strike Kyiv again.

But it failed to make Kyiv disappear from the political map of Europe.

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On June 29, 2026, a theatrical and musical program by Evgeny Chepurnyak “I Stayed… Zhenya” will take place in Jerusalem. The event is announced as part of the International Jerusalem Festival ADAMfest, and Chepurnyak himself is presented as a People’s Artist of Ukraine, the chief director and frontman of the KVN DGU theater from Dnipro.

For the Israeli audience, this is not just another evening on the poster.

It is a meeting with an artist who represents an entire cultural era: the legendary KVN DGU, the Dnipro stage, Ukrainian theater, television, songs, cinema, the cabaret “Vesely Pesets” and that special intonation where humor never cancels tenderness.

Who is Evgeny Chepurnyak — not only “Zhenya” but also a People’s Artist of Ukraine

Evgeny Samoilovich Chepurnyak was born on May 4, 1959, in Dnipropetrovsk — now Dnipro. His biography includes several layers: student theater, professional acting education, philharmonic, stage, KVN, cinema, and his own recognizable style that cannot be reduced to a single genre.

From 1976 to 1981, he studied at the Dnipropetrovsk Chemical-Technological Institute and was already involved in the student theater. Then, from 1983 to 1988, he received theatrical education at the Yaroslavl Theater School at the F. G. Volkov Theater.

Before KVN DGU, there were the Dnipropetrovsk Philharmonic and the Moscow Theater “Stuntman”. And from 1988, the chapter began by which millions of viewers recognized him: Evgeny Chepurnyak became an actor and director of the Dnipro City Theater “KVN DGU”.

It was there that the very “Zhenya” appeared — funny, touching, charming, gentle, yet absolutely stage-accurate.

Chepurnyak is an Honored Artist of Ukraine and a People’s Artist of Ukraine. These titles are important not as a formality, but as recognition of his contribution to the Ukrainian stage. In 2009, he was awarded the title of “Honored Artistof Ukraine“, and in 2019, the title of “People’s Artist of Ukraine” according to the decrees of the President of Ukraine.

KVN DGU as a memory that still resonates

For many viewers, the name Evgeny Chepurnyak instantly brings back memories of that very KVN DGU team, which was adored by almost the entire former union. It was not just a set of successful numbers, jokes, and reprises. It was a separate theatrical school where humor was based on musicality, pause, acting ensemble, and human warmth.

The team could make the audience roll with laughter, and a minute later — freeze with tenderness.

This was the strength of the Dnipro KVN. It was not just a competition of funny people. In its best moments, it turned into a small performance where the audience laughed not at the person, but with them. Where irony did not kill empathy. Where even the strictest professionals on the jury sometimes lost distance and reacted not as judges, but as spectators caught in live theatrical magic.

Evgeny Chepurnyak became one of the recognizable figures of this memory.

But it is wrong to leave him only within nostalgia. His creative biography is much broader: films, television programs, performances, concerts of various formats, the cabaret “Vesely Pesets”, songs on YouTube that gather thousands of views and likes.

From stage to cinema

Chepurnyak’s filmography includes “Show of Lonely Teachers”, “Odessa. A Story in Stories”, “Oldster: Mission of Justice”, “Pan Pinta’s Tavern”, “Dear Children”. In 2018, he appeared in Sergey Loznitsa’s film “Donbass”, where he played the chief doctor.

This is an important detail: Chepurnyak did not remain an artist of one image. He transitioned from the comedic genre to theatrical, from television format to cinema, from variety to chamber stage.

And everywhere he maintained the main thing: the intonation of a person who knows how to be funny without coarseness and lyrical without falseness.

Why this evening is especially important in Israel

Since 2022, Evgeny Chepurnyak has been living in Israel.

Therefore, his program in Jerusalem is not just a tour of a Ukrainian artist. It is a performance by a person whose creative biography, after the start of the great war, has also become connected with the Israeli space.

For the Russian-speaking, Ukrainian, and repatriate audience of Israel, this is especially close.

Many viewers here themselves live between several cultural biographies. Some have Kyiv, Dnipro, Odessa, Kharkiv, or Zaporizhzhia behind them. Others have Soviet television memory, Israeli everyday life, and new Ukrainian pain after 2022. Others simply have a love for the stage, where the artist comes out not to “perform a number”, but to talk to the audience.

That is why such evenings become more than a poster.

For NAnovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency such events are important as part of a big story about how Ukrainian culture, repatriate memory, and the Israeli stage after 2022 increasingly meet in one space. Not at the level of slogans, but through specific faces, voices, songs, memories, and live contact with the audience.

“I Stayed… Zhenya” — a program about a person, time, and stage memory

On the event page, the program “I Stayed… Zhenya” is marked as theatrical and musical. Its duration is 1 hour 20 minutes. The description states that this is the program of Evgeny Chepurnyak — People’s Artist of Ukraine, chief director, and frontman of the KVN DGU theater of the city of Dnipro. The festival president is Mark Galesnik.

This format itself explains a lot.

It is not a standard concert or an ordinary evening of memories. Rather, it is a stage self-portrait where the artist’s personal intonation is combined with music, humor, memory of time, and the very image of “Zhenya” that viewers remember not as a mask, but as a living person.

Evgeny. Zhenya. Zhenya.

A talented, gentle, funny, touching, infinitely charming artist who knows how to take the stage as if talking not to the hall in general, but to each person individually.

Where and when the evening will take place

The program will take place in Jerusalem on Monday, June 29, 2026, at 19:30.

The venue is the Jerusalem Cultural Center, Hall “Harmony”. The ticket sales page indicates a price of 66 shekels and a duration of 1 hour 20 minutes.

Jerusalem here does not appear as a random point on the map.

It is a city where personal memory almost always becomes part of the common history. For some viewers, this evening will be a return to the legendary KVN DGU. For others, an acquaintance with a Ukrainian artist they may have previously known only from individual roles, songs, or stage fragments.

And for many, just a rare opportunity to see on the Israeli stage a person who knows how to combine laughter and tenderness without loud declarations.

Tickets:

https://nikk.kassa.co.il/announce/86199

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In Kyiv, efforts continue to eliminate the consequences of yesterday’s Russian strikes. Rescuers, utility services, medics, police, and volunteers are working at the sites of destruction. Almost 100 employees of the State Emergency Service are involved in restoration and emergency work, and the dismantling of dangerous structures is still ongoing.

According to Ukrainian data, about 300 objects in the capital have been damaged. Most of them are residential buildings: during the day, applications were received for various degrees of damage to almost 150 private and multi-apartment buildings.

Currently, 87 people are known to be injured in Kyiv, including three children. Twenty-one people are in hospitals, while the rest are receiving outpatient care. The capital’s police have already received more than 540 reports of damaged property.

This is no longer just another report on a nighttime attack. It is a picture of a city that, in the morning after the Russian strike, counts not only the downed targets but also the broken windows, damaged apartments, destroyed entrances, burned premises, and human injuries.

Russian strike on Kyiv: homes, museum, and memory

Rescuers of the State Emergency Service spent more than 15 hours extinguishing fires that arose after Russia’s combined attack on Ukrainian cities and communities. The work did not end immediately after the fire was extinguished: dangerous structures are still being dismantled in Kyiv, buildings are being checked, and residents are being assisted.

In total, six regions of Ukraine suffered from yesterday’s shelling. For Kyiv, this strike was especially severe not only because of the number of injured and damaged houses but also because of the blow to cultural memory.

About 40% of the museum items from the exposition of the National Museum “Chernobyl” were irretrievably lost.

This is a separate line of tragedy. Russia tried to destroy not only walls, roofs, and windows but also the memory of Chernobyl — an event that has long become part of Ukrainian, European, and world history.

Museum staff and rescuers immediately began evacuating exhibits after the strike. They managed to save items from the storage facilities, a painting by Maria Prymachenko, and the Ukrainian flag, which was installed at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant after the de-occupation in 2022.

For the Israeli audience, this detail is especially understandable. When museums, archives, memorials, and spaces of memory come under attack, it is not only about material damage. It is an attempt to strike at the right of a people to remember themselves, their pain, and their history.

Israeli diplomats at Lukyanivka: who visited the strike site

At the invitation of Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha, on May 25, 2026, more than 70 leaders and representatives of foreign diplomatic missions visited the site of the Russian strike in the Lukyanivka district of Kyiv. The diplomats honored the memory of the deceased and laid flowers.

The full list of countries whose representatives were at the strike site was not publicly disclosed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Therefore, it is correct to speak not of a complete list of states but of those diplomatic missions whose participation or reaction was separately confirmed in open reports.

Among them is Israel.

The Embassy of Israel in Ukraine reported that the Deputy Ambassador of the State of Israel Mila Tzur, along with representatives of foreign diplomatic missions, visited the site of the Russian strike at Lukyanivka at the invitation of Andriy Sybiha.

During the visit, the diplomats honored the memory of the deceased and laid flowers at the site of the tragedy.

The Embassy of Israel expressed “deep condolences to the families of the deceased and injured, and also confirmed solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian attacks against civilian infrastructure.”

This gesture is important right now. The Israeli presence at the strike site is not a formal diplomatic photo but a public signal: strikes on civilian objects should not become the usual backdrop of war.

USA, EU, Poland, France, and Canada: what is known from open reports

From open reports, it is also known that the acting Chargé d’Affaires of the USA in Ukraine, Julie Davis, stated her personal visit to the strike site and condemned the Russian attack.

Against the backdrop of Russian threats to foreign diplomatic missions in Kyiv, reactions were publicly voiced by representatives of the European Union, Poland, and France. The EU Ambassador to Ukraine, Katarina Mathernova, stated that the European Union remains in Kyiv. The Polish side separately emphasized that any strike on Polish diplomatic missions would be considered deliberate. The French embassy was also mentioned among those continuing to operate as usual.

The Canadian diplomatic mission supported reports of the visit of more than 70 foreign representatives to the site of the Russian strike, but a separate open list of participants by country was not published.

Therefore, the most accurate wording for the article is this: representatives of more than 70 foreign diplomatic missions were at Lukyanivka; Israel’s participation was separately confirmed through Deputy Ambassador Mila Tzur, and the reactions and participation of representatives of the USA, EU, Poland, France, and Canada were publicly recorded in the diplomatic context after the strike.

Moscow tried to intimidate the diplomatic corps but got the opposite effect

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine called the new Russian threats to foreign diplomats shameless blackmail. The Ukrainian foreign policy department emphasized: Russia has been using the full range of deadly missiles and drones against Kyiv for more than four years and three months, and strikes on the capital have not stopped for almost a single week.

Against this backdrop, Moscow’s attempts to intimidate foreign diplomats look not like a warning but like an admission. Russia is effectively showing that its shelling is aimed not only at destroying Ukrainian cities but also at putting pressure on the international presence in Ukraine.

That is why the visit of diplomats to Lukyanivka acquired political significance.

Kyiv did not hide the consequences of the strike. On the contrary, Ukraine showed foreign representatives the destroyed buildings, the place of people’s deaths, and the real traces of the Russian attack. This is stronger than any diplomatic press release because it works through direct testimony.

In this context, NAnovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency considers Israeli participation in such a visit as an important element of public solidarity. For Israel, which itself faces threats of missile strikes, terrorism, and attacks on civilian infrastructure, the Ukrainian experience is not a distant history. It is a conversation about how democratic states respond to attempts to break civil society by force.

Why the issue of air defense has become paramount again

After the attack, the Ukrainian side once again emphasized: there should be more protection. Support for air defense remains a daily priority of Ukraine’s foreign policy work at all levels.

This is not about symbolic assistance. Every additional air defense system, every package of ammunition, every strengthening of the Ukrainian sky is not abstract military support but specific saved lives.

Kyiv thanks partners who condemned the strike. But at the same time, Ukraine speaks of the need for real steps: pressure on the aggressor, sanctions, international legal responsibility, and strengthening defense.

For Israel, there is another important layer in this story. Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities show how quickly war turns into pressure on civilian infrastructure, medicine, utilities, museums, diplomatic missions, and memory. This is not a peripheral topic. It is a question of whether state terror can be allowed to become the norm of international politics.

Russia tried to show strength through the strike. Kyiv responded with the presence of rescuers, doctors, volunteers, diplomats, and people who continue to rebuild the city.

And among those who came to the site of the tragedy were Israeli diplomats.

This does not negate the pain of destruction and does not return the lost museum items. But it records an important thing: the consequences of the Russian strike were seen not only by Ukrainians. They were seen by the diplomatic corps, including representatives of Israel, the USA, the EU, and other partners of Ukraine.

Moscow wanted to intimidate. Kyiv showed the world the facts.

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On May 30, 2026, an event will take place in Tel Aviv that for the Ukrainian community in Israel sounds not just like another cultural meeting. “Travnevi Skhodyny” is a day where you can see your people again, talk without haste, bring children, buy Ukrainian books, drink coffee, take spring photos, and feel that Ukrainian culture continues to live nearby — even far from home.

In Ukrainian, the name of the event sounds like “Travnevi Skhodyny”. Literally, it can be translated as “May Gatherings” or “May Assembly”, but in essence, it is not an official meeting, but a warm gathering of people who come together for communication, culture, creativity, and a sense of their circle. Therefore, in other languages, this name is most closely translated as “May Meeting”, “May Get-Together”, or “May Community Gathering” — depending on whether you need to emphasize coziness, cultural format, or the community nature of the event.

The organizer of the event is “Ukrainian Zdybanky in Israel“.

The meeting will take place at the Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv at the address: Yirmeyahu St 22, Tel Aviv-Yafo.

Date — Saturday, May 30, 2026.

Start — 11:00.

A Ukrainian meeting that many have already missed

In the invitation, the organizers directly ask: missed “Zdybanky”?

And it seems the answer for many will be obvious. Such meetings in Israel have become not only a place for communication but also a small island of Ukrainian atmosphere — with language, books, children’s workshops, traditions, humor, familiar faces, and new people.

“Travnevi Skhodyny” is conceived as a warm spring day for adults and children. Without heavy formality, without long speeches, without the feeling of an event “for the sake of it.” Rather — as a lively meeting of people who find it important to maintain a connection with Ukraine through culture, crafts, books, and simple human presence nearby.

Four main components of the event

The program includes four main highlights worth coming for.

🎨 For the first time in Israel — Samchykivsky painting workshop

For children 7+, there will be a workshop on Samchykivsky painting — a bright Ukrainian decorative technique originating from the Khmelnytsky region.

This is not just painting “for fun.” Samchykivsky painting is part of the Ukrainian visual tradition: rich colors, plant ornaments, recognizable energy of folk art, and a sense of home that is often hard to explain in words.

At the workshop, children will learn about the history of the painting, discover the basic elements of the technique, and create their own work. They can take it with them — as a small fragment of Ukrainian spring, made with their own hands in Tel Aviv.

Time: 11:00.

Age: 7+.

Pre-registration required:

https://forms.gle/Tm3vUAgyqvJkWbC56

🧵 Premiere of the “Prypynda!” workshop

The second important part of the program is the premiere of a new workshop from “Zdybanky” called “Prypynda!”.

Prypynda is a traditional Ukrainian accessory-decoration that used to complement women’s attire, and today it can return in a modern sound. This is exactly the case when authenticity does not look museum-like. It can be combined with both an embroidered shirt and jeans, and with an urban style.

At the workshop, participants will learn the history of prypynda and create their own decoration. The format is designed for 16+, so it may be especially interesting for teenagers, youth, and adults who love handcrafts, Ukrainian details in their image, and things with personal meaning.

Time: 14:00.

Age: 16+.

Pre-registration required:

https://forms.gle/Tm3vUAgyqvJkWbC56

📚 Big book fair

Throughout the event, there will be a big book fair.

And this is a separate reason to come even for those who do not plan to participate in the workshops. Ukrainian books in Israel are not the most obvious and not the easiest thing. They need to be searched for, brought, passed on, ordered, waited for. Therefore, a book fair in such a format is not just a trading point, but an opportunity to choose reading for yourself, for children, for the family, and at the same time support the Ukrainian cultural space.

Entrance to the book fair is free.

No registration is needed to visit the fair.

🌸 Photo zone and the atmosphere of Ukrainian spring

Organizers promise a photo zone, tea, coffee, conversations, and that very atmosphere that many have missed.

Here, not only the program is important. The gesture of the meeting itself is important. When repatriates from Ukraine, Ukrainians who permanently reside in Israel, families who arrived earlier, and those who found themselves in Israel after Russia’s invasion in 2022 can be in one space — without the need to explain why a Ukrainian book, ornament, song, accessory, or children’s workshop matters.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency notes: such events often become a way for the community to maintain not only culture but also a sense of normalcy. When there are many disturbing news around, a simple meeting with books, children, coffee, and creativity sometimes turns out to be more important than loud statements.

Who should come

“Travnevi Skhodyny” is suitable for families with children, adult members of the Ukrainian community, those who want to meet new people, buy Ukrainian books, or just spend a few hours in a warm atmosphere.

You can come to the workshop.

You can come only to the book fair.

You can drop by for the photo zone, coffee, and communication.

And perhaps this is what makes the event alive: it has no single mandatory scenario. Everyone can find their reason to be there.

Brief information

Event: “Travnevi Skhodyny”

Organizer: Ukrainian Zdybanky in Israel

Place: Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv

Address: Yirmeyahu 22, Tel Aviv

Date: Saturday, May 30

Start: 11:00

Program: Samchykivsky painting workshop, “Prypynda!” workshop, book fair, photo zone, tea, coffee, and communication

Details and how to participate – on the event page: https://www.facebook.com/events/1523815505782631

Entrance to the book fair is free.

In the event announcements, different end times are mentioned — 15:30 and 16:30. It’s better to check the current schedule with the organizers before attending, especially if planning to participate in the workshops.

“Be in trend with Zdybanky“, the organizers write.

Or to put it simply: come to create, meet, hug, and once again feel a bit of Ukrainian spring in Israel.

…
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On May 25, 2026, Pope Leo XIV will present his first encyclical Magnifica humanitas — a document on the protection of human dignity in the age of artificial intelligence. This is not just a church text about new technology. For the Catholic Church, which addresses an audience of more than 1.4 billion Catholics worldwide, it is an attempt to formulate moral boundaries for an industry that is developing faster than laws, politicians, and public oversight.

In fact, the Vatican has entered one of the main debates of the 21st century: who will set the rules for artificial intelligence — states, corporations, military structures, academia, or institutions speaking the language of ethics and human responsibility.

Encyclical on AI: why it is more than a church document

In the document Magnifica humanitas, Leo XIV called for serious regulation of artificial intelligence, warned about the concentration of data and technological power in the hands of private companies, and separately addressed the risks of AI in wars, disinformation, the labor market, and its impact on children. According to Reuters and AP, the encyclical criticizes a situation where decisions affecting human life, safety, and dignity may gradually shift to machines or closed corporate systems.

For Israel, this topic is particularly acute. The country is simultaneously one of the world’s centers of high technology, cybersecurity, and military innovations — and a society that constantly lives within moral dilemmas of security, war, data, surveillance, and protection of the civilian population.

That is why the new position of the Vatican is important not only for the Catholic world. It concerns all countries where AI is already used in medicine, education, defense, media, financial services, and political communications.

Tech giants did not come to parliament, but to the Vatican

The main intrigue around the encyclical arose even before its publication. According to Western media reports citing Politico and Business Insider, representatives of Meta, Google, and Amazon met with Vatican officials in Rome at the end of April 2026, including in the context of preparing the first major papal document on artificial intelligence. These contacts were described as part of a quiet campaign to influence the moral and public framework around AI.

The meaning of this campaign is clear. Technological corporations want to appear not only as developers of powerful tools but also as responsible partners of humanity. They strive to show that they themselves are capable of discussing ethics, safety, human rights, and public benefit.

But this is where the conflict lies. If companies simultaneously create technology, profit from it, control data, and form their own ethical codes, the question arises: who checks the checkers?

Anthropic, Claude, and the struggle for moral legitimacy

Particular attention was drawn to the company Anthropic, known for developing Claude. Anthropic co-founder Chris Olah spoke at a Vatican event related to the presentation of the encyclical and stated that the development of AI should not remain solely in the hands of Big Tech. According to him, external participation of religious leaders, states, and civil society is necessary precisely because even conscientious researchers are under pressure from business, geopolitics, and personal ambitions.

This is an important point. The Vatican in this case does not act as a laboratory and does not claim technical management of algorithms. Its role is different: to bring the conversation about AI back from the language of efficiency, profit, and the race for computing power to the plane of human dignity.

In the middle of this discussion, it is especially clear why Nikk.Agency — News of Israel considers the topic not as a distant Vatican agenda, but as part of a large international restructuring. AI already affects security, media, education, war, economy, and trust in information — that is, the areas that directly concern Israel, Ukraine, and the Jewish world.

Why the name Leo XIV is no coincidence here

Leo XIV chose his papal name with an obvious historical reference to Leo XIII. It was Leo XIII who in 1891 published the encyclical Rerum Novarum on capital, labor, and workers’ rights — a document that became the foundation of modern Catholic social teaching. The new encyclical Magnifica humanitas was signed on May 15, 2026, on the 135th anniversary of Rerum Novarum.

The parallel is almost direct. Then the Church responded to the challenge of the industrial revolution: factories, exploitation of workers, new inequality, conflict of capital and labor. Now it is about another revolution — digital, algorithmic, associated with automation, data, military technologies, and the replacement of human labor.

The difference is in speed. The industrial world changed over decades. Artificial intelligence changes markets, professions, and political mechanisms in years, and sometimes in months.

What this means for Israel, Ukraine, and the world

For Israel, the issue of AI is not an abstract philosophy. It is a matter of national security, medical startups, cyber protection, data analysis, military systems, education, and media. Israeli society understands well that technology can save lives but can also create new risks — from automated disinformation to decision-making without transparent accountability.

For Ukraine, this conversation is even tougher. Against the backdrop of the war against Russian aggression, AI, drones, data analysis algorithms, cyber operations, and information campaigns have already become part of the real battlefield. And here the moral question sounds not like an academic discussion, but as a daily choice between protecting people and the danger of further dehumanizing war.

That is why the encyclical of Leo XIV may become not only a church text but also a guide for a broader global discussion. It raises the question that technological companies often prefer to bypass: can the future of humanity be entrusted to those who simultaneously build infrastructure, collect data, sell solutions, and lobby their own version of responsibility?

The final meaning of the document will still be revealed in political, religious, and expert circles. But the main thing is already clear: the Vatican tried to say that artificial intelligence cannot be just a market, a product, or a weapon. It is a test for the very idea of humanity.

…
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On May 21, 2026, the All-Ukrainian Forum of National Minorities, National Communities, and Indigenous Peoples of Ukraine was held in Kyiv. The event was timed to coincide with the Day of Interethnic Harmony and Cultural Diversity and gathered over 600 participants from different regions of the country.

The forum was not just an official meeting with speeches and a cultural program. In the context of war, it turned into a large conversation about how modern Ukraine is held together not by a single ethnic or linguistic line, but by the shared civic responsibility of people with different roots, different traditions, and different histories.

Among the participants were Ukrainians, Crimean Tatars, Bulgarians, Greeks, Romanians, Poles, Jews, Hungarians, Germans, Armenians, Azerbaijanis, Gagauz, Karaites, Koreans, Roma, Georgians, Czechs, and representatives of many other national communities and indigenous peoples of Ukraine. In separate announcements of the forum, Russians were also mentioned as one of the national communities of Ukraine, which is important to distinguish from the aggressor state of Russia and its war policies.

Religious leaders held a special place at the forum.

Representatives of different faiths, including the Jewish community, participated in the event. Kyiv Rabbi Avraham Bleich stated that it was a great honor for him to participate in the forum as part of the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations of Ukraine. During the event, he offered a prayer for Ukraine — for peace, protection, a swift victory, and the end of the war.

Avraham Bleich — Kyiv Rabbi, head of the Jewish community “Orach Chaim.” In recent years, he has been actively involved in the public life of the Jewish community in Kyiv and in interfaith events related to supporting Ukraine during the war. He is the son of Rabbi Yaakov-Dov Bleich — one of the most well-known Jewish religious leaders in Ukraine. Yaakov-Dov Bleich received rabbinical ordination in the Orthodox environment, and the official pages of the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations list him as the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine and the President of the Union of Jewish Religious Organizations of Ukraine.

“Different seeds in hands — but one spring in hearts”

The forum was held under the symbolic slogan: “Різні зерна в долонях — та одна весна в серцях.” In translation, this can be conveyed as: “Different seeds in hands — but one spring in hearts.”

This phrase well conveyed the atmosphere of the entire day. It was not just about cultural diversity as a beautiful showcase. The main idea was deeper: the different peoples of Ukraine are experiencing the war together, losing together, helping, serving, volunteering, praying, and continuing to build the future of the country.

The forum began in the Garden of National Harmony. Guests walked up the memory alley, passed through spring gaivki, received packets of “Blooming Ukraine” seeds and symbolic badges with grass seeds. This served as a reminder of a simple yet powerful thought: the future begins with a small seed that people grow together.

In this image, there was much of the Ukrainian military reality. The country, which Russia is trying to destroy with missiles, occupation, deportations, and propaganda, continues to plant trees, create new traditions, bring communities together, and talk about life after victory.

Rabbis, prayer, and the Jewish community of Ukraine

One of the most powerful moments of the forum was the interfaith prayer for Ukraine. Representatives of different religions — Christians, Muslims, the Jewish community — prayed together for peace, for people, for defenders, and for the country.

It was here that Rabbi Avraham Bleich’s participation became especially important. He spoke not as an outside observer, but as part of the Ukrainian religious and public space. His prayer for Ukraine was heard alongside the prayers of representatives of other faiths, giving the forum a special moral strength.

In his message, Rabbi Bleich emphasized that it was valuable for him to see religious leaders of different communities and faiths standing together. According to him, such meetings remind us of how important it is to remain united and support each other in difficult times.

For the Israeli audience, this episode has a separate significance. The Jewish community of Ukraine today exists not apart from the war. It lives within the Ukrainian reality: under air raids, among evacuations, losses, volunteer assistance, prayers, community work, and support for people in need of protection.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency notes: the participation of rabbis in such a forum breaks the usual propaganda schemes that Russia has been trying to manipulate with the topic of Ukraine, Jewish history, and memory of the past for years. The real picture is quite different: Jewish religious leaders in Ukraine openly pray for the country, for its protection, and for victory over the aggressor.

Why this is important right now

The war has changed the meaning of many public events.

Previously, a forum of national communities might have been perceived as a cultural event where different peoples showcase their songs, cuisine, costumes, and traditions. Today, all this remains, but it has acquired a different weight.

When military personnel, volunteers, diplomats, state representatives, youth leaders, religious figures, and national communities meet on one platform, it is not just about culture. It is about who together holds the country during the most challenging period of its modern history.

At the forum, personal stories of military personnel of different nationalities who are defending Ukraine today were heard. They spoke about brotherhood, home, support, about how the war brings people closer together and makes them look differently at the concept of a common country.

This is important for both Ukraine, and for Israel. Ukraine shows that its strength is not in unification, but in the ability of different people to stand together. The Israeli audience understands well that a multilingual and multicultural society during war can only be strong when it has a common sense of destiny.

Garden of Interethnic Harmony, memory, and culture in the open air

The central symbol of the forum was the Garden of Interethnic Harmony. This space was established last year during the first official celebration of the Day of Interethnic Harmony and Cultural Diversity. In 2026, participants continued the tradition and planted new trees together.

This gesture was understood without lengthy explanations.

Different communities planted trees as a sign of common land, common roots, and a common future for Ukraine. In the context of war, such symbolism sounds stronger than usual: while Russia brings destruction, Ukraine demonstratively plants life.

A separate symbol of the day was the Bukovinian memorial tree brought by representatives of the Romanian community. On its branches was bread — a sign of memory, home, human warmth, and gratitude to those who are defending Ukraine today.

Throughout the day, national locations operated at the forum, where cultural traditions, art, and cuisines of different peoples were presented. Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Jewish, Georgian, Polish, Korean, Gagauz, Czech, Armenian, German, Crimean Tatar, Greek, and Moldovan motifs were heard.

At first glance, songs, dances, and national dishes may seem like a festive part of the program. But this was the strength of the forum: people got to know each other not only through official speeches but also through taste, music, hospitality, conversations, and joint presence.

Who participated in the forum

The forum was attended by representatives of state authorities, public organizations, the diplomatic corps, national communities, and indigenous peoples of Ukraine.

Among the participants were the head of the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnopolitics and Freedom of Conscience Viktor Yelensky, the first deputy chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Oleksandr Kornienko, the Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language Olena Ivanovska, the Commissioner of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine for Human Rights Dmytro Lubinets, the head of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People Refat Chubarov, the permanent representative of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea Olga Kurishko, and members of parliament Tamila Tasheva, Yulia Gryshina, and Anton Kisse.

But, as participants noted, the main thing on this day was not positions and statuses. The main thing was the feeling of live human support — without distance, without cold formality, with a large number of meetings, conversations, and personal stories.

Forum as a response to Russian propaganda

This forum became an important response to one of the central myths of Russian propaganda.

For years, Moscow has tried to portray Ukraine as a country where different communities supposedly cannot live together, where there is an artificial conflict of identities, and where the state is allegedly unable to unite people.

But the reality shown in Kyiv looks different. Today, Ukraine brings together Crimean Tatars, Jews, Roma, Armenians, Poles, Romanians, Bulgarians, Koreans, Georgians, Germans, Gagauz, Czechs, and many other communities in one space. They not only demonstrate culture. They participate in the war, volunteer, defend the country, pray for victory, and talk about the future after the liberation of the occupied territories.

The finale of the forum was especially symbolic. Volunteers took to the stage with flower seeds and talked about how these flowers will grow after victory — in Kharkiv, Donbas, Kherson, Bessarabia, Transcarpathia, Polesia, and free Crimea.

In this phrase was the entire logic of the event. The forum was not about the past and not only about today’s resistance. It was about the future of Ukraine as a country of different roots, different voices, and a common home.

For the Jewish community of Ukraine, participation in such an event is yet another confirmation of its active role in Ukrainian history right now. For Israel, it is a reason to look more closely at Ukraine not through old stereotypes, but through the real picture of war, solidarity, and responsibility.

In Kyiv on May 21, rabbis prayed for Ukraine together with representatives of other religions. National communities planted trees, remembered defenders, talked about home, sang their songs, and shared bread. In wartime, this is no longer just a cultural gesture. It is a statement that Ukraine remains a country where different peoples can be together — not only in celebration but also in the struggle for life.

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The 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine was included in the Book of Records of Ukraine for its significant contribution to the defense of the Maly Tokmachka area. Behind this fact are more than 1500 days of resistance, Russian assaults, claims of “capture” of the village, destroyed streets, and a meme that turned a small point on the map into a symbol of military absurdity.

The Chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Book of Records of Ukraine, Oleg Ivanenko, presented the command of the 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade with a diploma certifying the national record and merely stating the fact for history.

“The real reward for our titans is every preserved meter of Ukrainian land.”

Where is Maly Tokmachka and why has it become important

Maly Tokmachka is a village in the Zaporizhzhia region, near Orikhiv, on one of the most tense sections of the southern front. On a regular map, it is a small point. In reality, it is one of those lines where the Russian plan to advance to Zaporizhzhia has been breaking for years.

North of Maly Tokmachka is Orikhiv. Further is the road to the regional center of Zaporizhzhia. To the south are Robotyne, Verbove, Novoprokopivka, Tokmak, and the direction to Melitopol. That is why this village turned out to be not just a settlement, but part of a large defense line on which the stability of the entire Orikhiv direction depends.

Before the full-scale war, Maly Tokmachka was an ordinary Ukrainian village. Several thousand people lived there. In its local history were a brick factory, correctional colony No. 88, agriculture, ancient burial mounds, and the ordinary life of a Zaporizhzhia village.

After February 24, 2022, this place became a front.

Russia quickly captured a significant part of the south of the Zaporizhzhia region, but Zaporizhzhia remained under Ukrainian control. The front line was established south of Orikhiv, and the Maly Tokmachka area became one of the key sections where Ukrainian military held the direction under constant shelling, assaults, aviation, and drone pressure.

How the defense began: from Russia’s first statements to 1500 days of resistance

The story of Maly Tokmachka is also important because Russia very early tried to record this village in its “victories.”

Already on March 5, 2022, the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed that Russian units had allegedly taken control of Maly Tokmachka and a number of other settlements.

But subsequent events showed that this statement did not turn into stable control. The village did not become a calm Russian rear. On the contrary, Maly Tokmachka entered a long history of frontline battles, constant attacks, and defense that continues for years.

For Ukraine, this was not an episode for one day. It was a positional struggle for a line that did not allow Russian troops to calmly advance to Orikhiv and further to Zaporizhzhia.

In 2023, the Maly Tokmachka area came into focus during Ukrainian actions on the southern direction. This section was associated with pressure towards the Russian defense line Robotyne — Verbove — Tokmak. But the southern front turned out to be one of the toughest: dense minefields, artillery, aviation, drones, pre-prepared Russian positions, and constant struggle for every meter.

Then the front again transitioned into an exhausting phase.

Russia tried to assault. Ukraine held. The village was being destroyed. The name Maly Tokmachka appeared again and again in reports, in military messages, in analyst discussions, in Russian propaganda statements, and in Ukrainian memes.

In May 2026, the 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine was included in the Book of Records of Ukraine for its significant contribution to holding the defense area and daily repelling enemy attacks in the Maly Tokmachka area. The head of the supervisory board of the Book of Records of Ukraine, Oleg Ivanenko, presented the brigade command with a diploma that recorded this fact for history.

But the military themselves formulated the main point more precisely than any ceremony: the real reward for Ukrainian defenders is every preserved meter of Ukrainian land.

Why the 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade became part of this story

The 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine became one of the symbols of the defense of this area. But the story of Maly Tokmachka is broader than one unit. Different units of the Ukrainian Defense Forces fought and continue to fight in this direction.

That is why the Ukrainian message sounds not only gratitude to the 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade but also respect to all warriors, all units that held and continue to hold the lines in the Maly Tokmachka area.

For the Israeli audience, this logic is especially understandable. In Israel, they know that sometimes a small point on the map can become a big military factor. The line is important not by size, but by the fact that through it the enemy tries to open a path further.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers Maly Tokmachka in this context: as an example of how a small village became a place where the Russian military machine encountered not an “empty territory,” but organized defense, human resilience, and the price Ukraine pays for every meter of land.

Russia has already declared Maly Tokmachka “taken”

The main absurdity of this story is that Russia has repeatedly tried to present Maly Tokmachka as an already solved task.

The first official statement was made back in March 2022. Then the Russian Ministry of Defense spoke about “taking control” of Maly Tokmachka.

The second time at the official level, Russia declared the “liberation” of Maly Tokmachka on November 16, 2025. This message was spread by Russian state media. Then, in December 2025, the topic was effectively raised again at the level of a report by Russian Defense Minister Andrey Belousov to Putin.

But after all these “takings,” the village did not disappear from frontline reports. On the contrary, Russian sources continued to write about battles, Ukrainian military spoke about assault attempts, and analysts noted the complex situation, gray zones, and the lack of stable full control by Russia.

That is, Maly Tokmachka became a very inconvenient name for Russian propaganda.

It was already “taken.”
Then stormed again.
Then they talked about “advancement” again.
Then explained again why the fighting continues there.

This is where the meme was born.

Meme “Maly Tokmachka”: how a small village became a symbol of military absurdity

The meme about Maly Tokmachka is not just an internet joke. It is a phenomenon of military humor and black satire that arose from the gap between the scale of the village and the scale of Russian efforts.

On one side — a small village in the Zaporizhzhia region.

On the other — years of assaults, thousands of messages, armored vehicles, infantry, drones, artillery, aviation, constant Russian statements about “almost taken” and “already liberated.”

Thus, the ironic formula appeared: “Whoever owns Maly Tokmachka owns the world.”

This phrase is not about geography. It is about mocking Russia’s imperial rhetoric. Moscow talks about a “new world order,” “historical lands,” and a “battle of civilizations,” but on the ground, it cannot turn its statements about a small village into a stable result for years.

“History lesson”: how Maly Tokmachka was compared to great sieges

One of the most accurate memes about Maly Tokmachka is formatted as a “history lesson.” It lists famous sieges and attempts to capture cities, and then Maly Tokmachka is inserted into this row.

In the meme list, it looks like this:

Gibraltar, 1779–1783 — 1320 days.
Could not be taken.

Carthage, 149–146 BC — 1100 days.

Leningrad, 1941–1944 — 872 days.

Rome, 408–410 — 730 days.

Alexandria, 641–642 — 450 days.

La Rochelle, 1627–1628 — 427 days.

Stalingrad, 1942–1943 — 163 days.

Jerusalem, 70 AD — 150 days.

Constantinople, 1453 — 53 days.

And the final line:
Maly Tokmachka has been “taken” for 1500 days.

The meaning of this joke is clear without lengthy explanations. Great cities, empires, fortresses, world history — and next to them a small Ukrainian village in the Zaporizhzhia region, which the Russian army has been trying to “take” longer than many famous sieges of the past.

Of course, this is not an academic historical table. One cannot literally compare modern positional warfare with the siege of Carthage, the blockade of Leningrad, or the fall of Constantinople. Those were different eras, different armies, different technologies, different scales of losses, and different political consequences.

But the meme works precisely as satire.

It shows the absurdity: an army that came to Ukraine with a claim for a quick victory has been stuck for years at one small settlement, repeatedly declaring it “taken,” but again and again forced to return to the topic of battles for Maly Tokmachka.

The most painful part of this meme is the contrast. Gibraltar, Carthage, Rome, Jerusalem, and Constantinople went down in history as symbols of great sieges, imperial clashes, and turning points. Maly Tokmachka until 2022 was an ordinary Ukrainian village. But it was this ordinary village that became a point for the Russian army where victorious reports collided with the reality of Ukrainian defense.

Why this meme became so popular

Maly Tokmachka became a meme for several reasons.

Firstly, because of repetition. Russian propaganda channels and “military experts” regularly returned to the topic of the village: “fighting is ongoing,” “there is advancement,” “almost taken,” “liberated,” “consolidating,” “storming again.”

Secondly, because of the scale. If it were about a big city, the effect would be different. But when a huge army cannot close the story with a small village for years, it itself becomes a symbol of failure.

Thirdly, because of the Ukrainian ability to turn the terrible into satire. During the war, memes often become a way of psychological protection. People laugh not because what is happening is easy. They laugh because otherwise, it is difficult to endure the absurdity, pain, and constant tension.

This is how the meme about Chornobaivka once appeared. Now Maly Tokmachka has found itself in this same row.

Behind the jokes is a destroyed village and a real war

But it is important not to lose the main point: behind the meme is not a funny story.

Maly Tokmachka is almost destroyed by the war. Where there was once ordinary rural life, now for years there have been assaults, drones, artillery, aviation, and small infantry groups. Streets, houses, farm buildings, roads, fields — all this has become part of the front.

Therefore, the meme about Maly Tokmachka cannot be perceived as a light joke.

This is black humor that grew out of the reality of war.

The village became a symbol not because someone wanted a beautiful legend, but because the Russian army has indeed been trying for years to achieve a result in this direction. And Ukrainian military have been holding a line for years that turned out to be much more difficult for the enemy than another line in a report.

Why Maly Tokmachka is important for understanding the war

Maly Tokmachka shows one of the main features of the Russian-Ukrainian war: big plans often break on small points.

Russia tried to demonstrate strength.
Received a symbol of exhaustion.

Russia tried to report “taking.”
Received a meme about endless assaults.

Russia wanted to move further.
Got stuck for years on a line that Ukrainian defense turned into a line of resistance.

For Ukraine, this is a story of resilience. For Russia, a story of propaganda failure. For an external observer, including the Israeli reader, it is a reminder: war is decided not only by maps, statements, and loud reports. War is decided by people who hold positions, even when there is almost nothing left around.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees in the story of Maly Tokmachka an important lesson: sometimes a small village becomes a big symbol because it is on such lines that the real strength of an army, state, and society is tested.

In short: why Maly Tokmachka entered the history of this war

Fact Meaning
The village is located near Orikhiv in the Zaporizhzhia region This is an important section of the southern front and the road to Zaporizhzhia
Russia claimed control back in 2022 But did not achieve stable control
In 2025, Russia again declared “liberation” After this, fighting and statements about defense continued
The 118th Separate Mechanized Brigade was included in the Book of Records of Ukraine The defense of the area received official historical fixation
A meme appeared online about 1500 days of attempts to “take” the village Maly Tokmachka became a symbol of the failure of Russian propaganda
The village is almost destroyed by the war Behind the meme is the real cost of defense

Main conclusion

Maly Tokmachka has long ceased to be just the name of a settlement. It is a symbol of how a small Ukrainian village can become a line that the Russian army has been struggling with for years.

This story has it all: military resilience, destruction, propaganda statements, memes, black satire, and the real cost of war.

Russia wanted to turn Maly Tokmachka into another victorious line. But it turned out differently. The village became a reminder that “taken” on TV and taken on the ground are different things.

And while Russian propaganda tries to explain another “advancement,” Ukrainian history has already recorded something else: Maly Tokmachka became one of the symbols of resistance, where every meter of land turned out to be more important than all Russian reports.

…
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The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Ukraine is approaching a moment that recently seemed almost like military fiction: a cheap drone can be shot down not with a million-dollar missile, but with a laser beam, where the cost of a single precise strike is essentially measured by electricity consumption.

And this is not a laboratory presentation somewhere far from the war.

The Ukrainian company Celebra Tech announced that the laser complex “Tryzub” is already integrated into a mobile trailer platform and is undergoing the final stage of testing. The system is being created for a specific reality — Russian drone attacks, constant threats to cities, overloaded air defenses, and the need to shoot down cheap aerial targets without economic suicide.

For Israel, this story sounds particularly close. When a country lives next to enemies who rely on drones, missiles, and wearing down the rear, the question is not only about what to shoot the target with. The question is how much each interception costs — and how many such interceptions the country can withstand.

“Tryzub”: what is already known about the new Ukrainian system

According to the declared characteristics, “Tryzub” is capable of hitting FPV drones at a distance of up to 800–900 meters. The system can disable reconnaissance drones at a distance of up to 1,500 meters — by damaging optics, electronics, and body elements.

A separate intrigue — “Shaheds.”

Developers speak cautiously: the complex is almost ready to work against strike UAVs of this type at a distance of up to 5 kilometers, but this capability is still undergoing final verification. If it is confirmed not only in tests but also in combat conditions, it will not just be a new development, but a serious shift in defense against mass drone attacks.

According to demonstration materials, the laser burns through protected elements of the drone in 3–4 seconds. The exact parameters — power, cooling, internal architecture — the company does not disclose. And this is understandable: the system is created not for an exhibition showcase, but for war, where an extra technical detail quickly becomes a gift to the enemy.

Why the mobile platform is important

Mobility here is not a secondary detail, but part of the very idea.

Russian attacks constantly change routes. Today drones go through one area, tomorrow — through another. Stationary defense is important, but it does not cover the whole picture. Therefore, a laser complex on a platform that can be moved to the current threat looks much more practical than a heavy system tied to one point.

“Tryzub” has a radar module for calculating the trajectories of incoming targets. A control unit with artificial intelligence elements is also declared — for automatic target acquisition and tracking.

It sounds technological, but the meaning is very earthly: the operator needs to see the threat faster, take it on tracking faster, and destroy it faster before the drone reaches a house, warehouse, substation, or position.

A million-dollar missile against a drone costing tens of thousands: where the old air defense economy breaks

The main problem of drone warfare is not only that they are dangerous.

They are also cheap.

When a drone costing $20–50 thousand has to be shot down with a missile costing hundreds of thousands or millions of dollars, the defending country falls into a trap. Even a successful interception can be economically painful if dozens and hundreds of such targets are flying.

A stark contrast: one Patriot PAC-3 MSE interceptor costs over $4 million, and according to the US Army budget for 2027, its price may reach $5.3 million. IRIS-T SLM missiles are estimated at €700–900 thousand per unit, AMRAAM for NASAMS — from $1 million to $3.9 million depending on the version.

Now let’s put “Shahed” next to this.

Cheap, mass-produced, unpleasant, designed not only for explosion but also for exhausting the defense. That is why laser air defense is becoming not a beautiful toy of the future, but a necessary response to the new tactics of war.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this topic in the Israeli context not by chance: Israel itself has long lived in the logic of layered defense, where one system does not solve all tasks. The future of air defense is not one “magic dome,” but a combination of missiles, radars, lasers, electronic warfare, mobile groups, and quick solutions on the ground.

The laser does not cancel missiles — it covers another gap

It is important not to turn “Tryzub” into a myth.

It will not replace the Patriot. It will not be the answer to ballistic missiles. It will not eliminate the need for long-range air defense and will not make classic interceptors unnecessary.

Its strong side is different.

This is the lower and middle layer of protection against mass small targets: FPV drones, reconnaissance UAVs, potentially strike drones. Where using an expensive missile is too wasteful, the laser can become the very tool that preserves the ammunition for more serious threats.

This is the real value of the development.

Not in the beautiful word “laser.” But in the fact that one country, which Russia tries to exhaust daily with strikes, is looking for a way to make defense cheaper, faster, and more sustainable.

Israel has already passed the first milestone. Ukraine may be next

Laser air defense remains a rare class of weapon even for the strongest armies in the world. Israel has already moved from testing to the operational use of the Iron Beam system. This makes the Israeli experience especially important for Ukraine — and the Ukrainian experience no less important for Israel.

The difference is that the Ukrainian “Tryzub” is born not in a calm program of long rearmament, but right inside a big war.

This weapon is created for a specific enemy. For Russian drones. For night attacks. For overloaded air defenses. For a situation where every expensive interceptor is counted, and civilian infrastructure remains a target almost every night.

A small team against a big threat

About 15 people work on the laser project at Celebra Tech. By the usual standards of the defense industry, this is almost incredibly small.

But the war has changed the pace.

Ukraine has repeatedly shown that small engineering teams can adapt to the front faster than large bureaucratic systems. They see the problem, get feedback from the military, change the design, test again — and so on until the result.

Besides “Tryzub,” the company is engaged in FPV drones with fiber-optic control, bombers, electronic warfare means, and specialized software. So it’s not about one random idea, but an attempt to fit into the new reality of war, where not only heavy equipment wins, but also the speed of engineering response.

Why this concerns Israel

Israel and Ukraine live in different strategic conditions, but face similar logic of threats: the enemy seeks cheap ways to pressure the rear, overload air defenses, make society live in anxiety, and spend huge resources on each wave of attacks.

That is why the Ukrainian laser system is interesting not only as news about technology.

It shows the direction.

If “Tryzub” confirms the declared characteristics, it will be a signal for the entire defense market: laser air defense ceases to be a topic of the future and becomes a tool of the present war. Not instead of missiles. Not instead of aviation. Not instead of radars. But alongside them — as a cheaper and faster response to mass drones.

The date of the combat deployment of the complex has not yet been officially named. Some capabilities still require confirmation, especially the declared work on “Shaheds” at a distance of up to 5 kilometers.

But the trend itself is already obvious.

Drone warfare has forced defense to seek new rules. And if one precise laser strike really costs just a few cents, then Ukraine may get not just another air defense system, but a tool that changes the balance between attack and defense.

For Israel, this is also a lesson: in future conflicts, the winner will not only be the one with the most expensive missiles, but the one who can shoot down mass threats quickly, accurately, and without bankrupting their own defense.

Source: Defense News

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Israel and Ukraine unexpectedly found themselves among the notable countries in the rankings of the Esports Nations Cup for Counter-Strike 2. At first glance, this looks like a loud esports news: two countries have risen high in the national table of one of the world’s most popular disciplines.

But behind the beautiful ranking line is not a victory of national teams or a series of matches between countries.

It is about a technical score, which is based on individual player points in the club system of Counter-Strike 2. Therefore, this story cannot be read as a regular sports ranking, where Israel, Ukraine, or other countries have already played a full national team tournament and proven their strength in head-to-head matches.

What is Counter-Strike 2 and why is there so much attention around it

Counter-Strike 2 is a team tactical shooter, a continuation of the legendary Counter-Strike series. The game revolves around the confrontation of two sides: terrorists and special forces. In the classic competitive mode, one team tries to plant a bomb or hold positions, while the other tries to stop the attack, defuse the explosive device, or prevent the opponent from completing the task.

At first glance, everything looks simple: five players against five, weapons, maps, rounds, and score.

But it is in this simplicity that the strength of Counter-Strike lies. The game requires reaction, precision, discipline, team communication, map knowledge, economic calculation, and psychological resilience. Teams do not just shoot at each other. They plan approaches to points, perform deceptive maneuvers, save weapons, change the pace of attack, and try to read the opponent’s decisions a few seconds ahead.

Counter-Strike appeared back in the late 1990s as a modification for Half-Life. Later, the game became a separate series, went through versions Counter-Strike 1.6, Counter-Strike: Source, Counter-Strike: Global Offensive, and eventually transitioned to Counter-Strike 2. It was CS:GO that made the discipline one of the main ones in world esports, and CS2 became its new technological era.

For viewers, it is not just a computer game. It is a large market of tournaments, broadcasts, clubs, sponsors, contracts, and international reputation. The finals of major tournaments are watched by millions, and players from different countries become recognizable figures far beyond the gaming audience.

Why CS2 is important for Israel and Ukraine

Ukraine has long had a strong Counter-Strike school. Ukrainian players have performed and continue to perform in top international lineups, won major tournaments, reached the elite of the world rankings, and formed a powerful fan base around them.

The Israeli scene is smaller in scale but also noticeable. Israel has players who have managed to reach a high international level and play in strong clubs. In esports, this is especially important: a country may not have the largest internal league, but a few strong representatives can sharply raise its visibility on the world map.

Therefore, the appearance of Israel and Ukraine at the top of the Esports Nations Cup rankings seems logical only after explaining the methodology. This is not a story about two national teams having already beaten everyone. It is a story about players from these countries having accumulated significant weight in the professional club system of CS2.

What is the Esports Nations Cup for Counter-Strike 2

The Esports Nations Cup is an international esports project built around the idea of country competition. Unlike the usual club scene, where players of different nationalities play for one organization, ENC tries to bring the national principle to the forefront.

In theory, it resembles the “Nations Cup” model in esports.

The viewer is offered to watch not only NAVI, Spirit, Vitality, FaZe, MOUZ, or other clubs, but countries: Ukraine, Israel, Denmark, France, Brazil, Poland, Germany, and so on. Such a format is easily sold to the audience because national identity works stronger than a regular club sign. A fan wants to understand: where is their country, who represents it, and is there a chance to see a real national team match.

However, in Counter-Strike 2, the Esports Nations Cup has an important feature.

The national ENC ranking is not built on the results of already played national team matches. It uses data from Valve Regional Standings — a system through which Valve evaluates teams and players in the professional CS2 ecosystem. That is, the ranking essentially takes club results of individual players and translates them into a national table.

How such a system appeared

Historically, Counter-Strike has always been a club discipline. Major tournaments were won not by national teams, but by organizations: some created international lineups, others focused on players from one region, and others bought stars for a specific tactical model.

National teams in Counter-Strike existed before, but they were never the center of the entire system.

Unlike football, where the World Cup is the pinnacle of a career, in CS the main statuses were given by club tournaments, majors, leagues, and international LAN events. Players built their careers through contracts with organizations, not through national federations. Therefore, the idea of the Esports Nations Cup tries to add to CS2 what the discipline has always lacked in mass perception: a clear tournament of countries.

But immediately a problem arose: how to determine the strength of a country if real national teams have not yet played a full cycle?

The organizers took a technical path. They took the already existing Valve Regional Standings system and started calculating the strength of a country through the best players who have points in the club scene. This is convenient, fast, and relies on a clear statistical base. But such a model has a weak point: it shows not a national team, but the sum of the individual rating weight of players.

Why the ranking of Israel and Ukraine turned out to be controversial

Ukraine and Israel rose high precisely because of the peculiarities of the calculation. If a country has players in strong international clubs, their VRS points are summed up and turned into a national indicator.

For Ukraine, this is especially noticeable.

Ukrainian players have long played in world-class teams. Their individual and team results give the country a high rating. But in this place, a conflict arises: the system can take into account Ukrainians who play in clubs with Russian origin, a Russian core, or a complex reputational background.

The original material separately mentions zont1x, who plays for Team Spirit. Formally, for the ranking, the player’s country and his points are important. But for the Ukrainian audience against the backdrop of Russia’s war against Ukraine, such a formula looks too mechanical. It does not take into account how society perceives performances for an organization with a Russian trace and does not answer the question of whether such a player would make it into the real Ukrainian national team.

With Israel, the dispute is different. There is no such military context here, but there is a question of the scale of the scene. Israel may be high not because it has a large internal league and dozens of equal lineups, but because a few strong players give the country a large concentration of points.

And this is normal for esports, but it requires explanation.

In the middle of this story, it is visible how a digital ranking can create a strong headline, but without context, confuse the reader. For the Israeli audience, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency explains this topic not as a simple news from the world of games, but as an example of how sports, technology, national identity, and politics have long intersected in one table.

Why this is not a ranking of real national teams

The main mistake is to perceive the ENC ranking as the result of a World Cup in CS2 among countries. It is not.

The table shows which countries have strong players in the club system. It does not show how well the national team will play, who will agree to play for the national team, which players will actually make it into the lineup, and whether the team can work as a single mechanism.

In Counter-Strike, five stars do not always bring victory.

A captain is needed, roles are needed, overall communication is needed, a coach is needed, a balance between aggression and discipline is needed. One player opens rounds better, another holds a key point, a third is responsible for the sniper rifle, a fourth reads the opponent’s economy, a fifth connects the team’s decisions in the middle of the round. Without this structure, a ranking on paper may not turn into a victory on the server.

That is why the Esports Nations Cup now looks like both an interesting and controversial project. On one hand, it can give CS2 a bright national format that the discipline has long lacked. On the other hand, its ranking remains a technical model, not direct proof of the strength of national teams.

What this means for Israel and Ukraine

For Israel, a high indicator in the ENC is a sign that the country has players capable of being noticeable in the global CS2 environment. Even if the scene is not as massive as in Denmark, Russia, Ukraine, Poland, or Brazil, quality players in the right clubs can sharply raise the national index.

For Ukraine, it is both a confirmation of the strength of the Counter-Strike school and a reason for an unpleasant discussion. Ukrainian players indeed remain part of the world elite, but the mechanical inclusion of all points in the national score can create a conflict with the reality of war, public position, and attitude towards Russian organizations.

Therefore, the story with the Esports Nations Cup ranking is not just news about who is higher in the table.

It is an indicator of how modern esports is maturing and facing questions that were previously considered “big politics.” Who represents the country? Is a passport enough? Can a club contract be separated from national reputation? And does a mathematical ranking have the right to be called a country ranking if the national teams themselves have not yet proven their strength in a direct tournament?

For now, the answer is cautious: the ENC ranking for Counter-Strike 2 is interesting as a preliminary map of player strength, but it should not be confused with a real table of national teams. Israel and Ukraine indeed look noticeable in CS2, but this success should be read through the calculation mechanics, the history of the game itself, and the political context, which is especially important for Ukraine after the start of the large-scale war by Russia.

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The history of ties between the Jewish people and Ukraine is amazing and multifaceted.

The contribution of the natives of Ukrainian lands to the development of the Jewish state is reflected even in the symbols of Israel, such as the national currency – the shekel.

Portraits of 8 great personalities born on Ukrainian soil adorn Israeli banknotes, recalling their services in culture, politics and public life.. We invite you to get to know each of these heroes better.

So, Of the 20 outstanding representatives of the Jewish people who have been depicted on Israeli money over time, 8 were born on the territory of modern Ukraine.

1. Chaim Nachman Bialik (1873–1934)

Biography:

Born in the village of Ivnitsa, Volyn province (now Zhitomir region). Chaim Nachman Bialik was a prominent poet, translator and writer, called the “national poet of Israel.” His works contributed to the development of Jewish literature and culture. He was also active in the revival of Hebrew as a modern language. His poems have become a mandatory part of the school curriculum in Israel.

Banknote:

Bialik is depicted on the 10 shekel banknote issued in 1985. The banknote features lines from his poem and illustrations reflecting his literary heritage.

2. Vladimir (Zeev) Jabotinsky (1880–1940)

Biography:

Born in Odessa, Vladimir Jabotinsky was one of the founders of revisionist Zionism. He created the Jewish Legion within the British Army and inspired Jewish youth to fight for independence. In addition, Jabotinsky was a writer, journalist and translator.

Banknote:

Jabotinsky is depicted on the 1998 NIS 100 banknote. His portrait is complemented by symbols of the Zionist movement and lines from his literary works.

3. Lev (Leon) Pinsker (1821–1891)

Biography:

Born in Tomashpol (now Vinnytsia region). Lev Pinsker became one of the ideologists of the Hovevei Zion movement, which laid the foundations of modern Zionism. His work Auto-Emancipation was a manifesto calling on the Jewish people to fight for the creation of their own state.

Banknote:

Pinsker’s image adorns the 20 shekel bill from the 1980s. In the background are pages from his works and symbols of the Hovevei Zion movement.

4. Menachem Usishkin (1863–1941)

Biography:

Born in Dubrovno (now the territory of Belarus, formerly part of the Russian Empire). Usyshkin was the head of the Jewish National Fund and made a huge contribution to the purchase of land for the future of Israel.

Banknote:

Menachem Usishkin is depicted on the 500 shekel banknote from the 1980s. Next to his portrait is a plan of the lands acquired through his efforts and a quote from his speeches.

5. Moshe Sharett (1894–1965)

Biography:

Born in Kherson. Sharett was the second Prime Minister of Israel and one of the leaders of the Zionist movement. His diplomatic efforts played a key role in strengthening the young Jewish state.

Banknote:

Sharett is depicted on the 20 shekel bill from the 1970s. The banknote also depicts the attributes of diplomatic work: documents and a pen, symbolizing his contribution to Israel’s foreign relations.

6. Golda Meir (1898–1978)

Biography:

Born in Kyiv. Golda Meir became Israel’s first female prime minister. Her strong leadership during difficult periods, including the Yom Kippur War, brought her worldwide fame.

Banknote:

Golda Meir’s portrait can be seen on the 10 shekel banknote of 1973. In the background are images symbolizing her political activities, such as government meetings.

7. Yitzhak Ben-Zvi (1884–1963)

Biography:

Born in Poltava. Yitzhak Ben-Zvi became the second President of Israel. He is known as a historian and researcher of the Jewish Diaspora.

Banknote:

His portrait appears on the 100 shekel banknote of the 1980s. The banknote also features illustrations reflecting Ben-Zvi’s cultural explorations.

8. Eliezer Ben-Yehuda (1858–1922)

Biography:

Born in Luzhki (now Belarus, formerly part of the Russian Empire). Ben Yehuda was the founder of modern Hebrew and the author of the first Hebrew dictionary.

Banknote:

His image adorns the 50 shekel note from the 1970s. In the background are pages of a dictionary and fragments of Ben Yehuda’s manuscripts.

Conclusion

Eight great people born on the territory of Ukraine left an indelible mark on the history of Israel. Their images on banknotes are not only a sign of recognition, but also a reminder of how closely the destinies of the two peoples are connected. This unique fact indicates that the contribution of Ukrainian Jews to the development of Israel was and remains significant.

Read more on the website NAnews – Israel Newsto be aware of historical facts that unite our countries.

Based on site materials Ukrainian-Jewish Zustrich.

More read in our section “Jews from Ukraine“.

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Big premiere in Israel! “…The event will continue if the alarm lasts no more than an hour…” – with these words, this play begins.

In November 2026, performances of the play “Odessa Alarm or How One Mishpucha Gathered in a Shelter” will take place in Israel with the participation of People’s Artists of Ukraine Oleg Filimonov and Diana Malaya. This is a tour across six cities — Haifa, Ashdod, Rishon LeZion, Be’er Sheva, Petah Tikva, and Netanya.

Formally — a comedy in Russian with an Odessa “pronunciation”.
In essence — a stage conversation about life during the war.

The play begins with a phrase that has long ceased to be a theatrical convention: “The event will continue if the alarm lasts no more than an hour…” This line sets the tone for the entire action. The audience immediately understands that it is not about a fictional alarm, but about the everyday reality of recent years.

Duration — 1 hour 40 minutes. Age restriction — 12+. Price range depending on the city — approximately 186–256 shekels.

Tour geography: cities, dates, audience

The performances are spread across the country — from north to south.

Netanya — Thursday, 05.11.2026, 19:00
Arik Einstein Auditorium, Netanya

Haifa — Friday, 06.11.2026, 19:00
Krieger Center for the Performing Arts, Haifa

Be’er Sheva — Saturday, 07.11.2026, 20:00
Tamuz Beit Ha-Musika

Rishon LeZion — Monday, 09.11.2026, 19:00
Mofet, Rishon LeZion

Haifa — Wednesday, 11.11.2026, 19:00
Beit-Nagler, Haifa

Petah Tikva — Friday, 13.11.2026, 19:00
Sharet, Petah Tikva

Ashdod — Saturday, 14.11.2026, 19:00
Matnas Duna-Yud, Ashdod

Tickets are already available –

https://nikk.kassa.co.il/announce/85289

Cast:

Husband – Oleg Filimonov, Ukrainian theater and film actor, People’s Artist of Ukraine, member of the KVN team “Odessa Gentlemen”, host of the TV show “Gentlemen Show”, “Filimonov and Company”, “Camera of Laughter” and others.
Wife – Diana Malaya, Ukrainian theater and film actress, People’s Artist of Ukraine, serves in the Ukrainian Music and Drama Theater named after V. Vasylko, starred in films “Deja Vu”, “Liquidation”, “Island of Unwanted People” and others.

The organizers emphasize: the production was conceived as a gesture of solidarity with the Israeli reality, where sirens and shelters are part of everyday life. That is why the tour in Israel is perceived not as a standard tour, but as an accurate hit in the context.

For the Russian-speaking audience of Israel, it is also a return to the Odessa cultural code — humor, intonation, family “mishpucha”, where in the cramped space of the shelter, characters suddenly reveal themselves.

Production team:

Scriptwriters: Alexander Tarasul, Viktor Yavnik, Evgeny Khait
Director: Igor Slavinsky
Assistant Director: Ekaterina Lebedeva
Set Designer: Emzari Kiknavelidze
Music Editor: Sergey Dmitriev
Choreography: Pavel Ivlyushkin
Vocals: Margarita Chernik
Lighting: Vladimir Dubovenko
Photo: Artem Pelevan
Producers: Alexander Tarasul, Viktor Yavnik, Evgeny Khait

What the play is about and why it emerged after 2022

War as a domestic backdrop

After February 24, 2022, Odessa found itself in the zone of regular missile attacks. Air alarms, infrastructure destruction, damage to the historic center — this is not an abstraction, but the backdrop in which artists continue to live and work.

Oleg Filimonov in a 2023 interview directly stated: comedy during war is not frivolity, but a way of psychological protection. According to him, if people are not given the opportunity to laugh, “one can go insane.” This position became the dramatic basis of the new production.

Diana Malaya during the same period continued to serve in the Odessa Academic Ukrainian Music and Drama Theater named after V. Vasylko. In 2022, the theater relaunched its work in the format of “theater in a shelter” — rehearsals and performances took place in protected premises. This was a forced but principled step: cultural life does not stop.

“Odessa Alarm” as a stage response

The play is not about the front and not about politics. It’s about an hour in a shelter.

About a family forced to wait out the siren together.
About irritation, fear, domestic conflicts.
And about laughter that arises where it seemingly has no place.

In 2024, the play was shown in Odessa on February 24 — on the anniversary of the full-scale invasion. In 2025, it was already openly called “a comedy about life in wartime conditions.” This is not an advertising formula, but an accurate definition of the genre.

This is the material the artists are now bringing to Israel.

Helping Ukraine after 2022: the stage as a form of resilience

Public position and personal experience

Filimonov did not hide that his family experienced missile attacks in Odessa. In 2025, there were reports in the media that he installed a concrete shelter on his property — a measure of personal safety that shows the degree of reality of the threat.

This is not a declaration, but everyday life.

Theater work during the war

The Odessa Ukrainian Theater, where Diana Malaya serves, did not cease its activities after the invasion began. It switched to working in a shelter format, continued to release premieres and maintain its repertoire.

Maintaining the stage in a city under attack is also a contribution.
Not in the form of collections, but in the form of resilience of the cultural environment.

International tours as a continuation of the conversation

When a play about alarm and shelter takes the Israeli stage, it ceases to be a local story of Odessa. It becomes a shared experience.

In the middle of the material, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this tour not only as a poster but as a cultural bridge between Ukraine and Israel — two societies for which the siren and shelter have become part of reality.

The tours perform several functions at once:
support Ukrainian cultural visibility abroad,
create emotional contact with the diaspora,
transfer the conversation about the war from the plane of news to the plane of human experience.

Why this tour is important right now

The Israeli audience understands the dramaturgy of alarm without explanations.
The Ukrainian audience lives it every day.

“Odessa Alarm” does not try to explain the war. It captures its domestic layer — an hour in a shelter, where people remain themselves.

In conditions where news about the war becomes the backdrop, it is precisely such plays that remind us: culture does not fade into the shadows even under sirens.

And perhaps this is the main contribution of the artists after 2022 — to continue playing when it would have been easier to remain silent.

How to buy tickets

The performances are spread across the country — from north to south.

Netanya — Thursday, 05.11.2026, 19:00
Arik Einstein Auditorium, Netanya

Haifa — Friday, 06.11.2026, 19:00
Krieger Center for the Performing Arts, Haifa

Be’er Sheva — Saturday, 07.11.2026, 20:00
Tamuz Beit Ha-Musika

Rishon LeZion — Monday, 09.11.2026, 19:00
Mofet, Rishon LeZion

Haifa — Wednesday, 11.11.2026, 19:00
Beit-Nagler, Haifa

Petah Tikva — Friday, 13.11.2026, 19:00
Sharet, Petah Tikva

Ashdod — Saturday, 14.11.2026, 19:00
Matnas Duna-Yud, Ashdod

Tickets are already available –

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Beijing between Trump and Putin: Why China did not become the main arbiter of the war

In the past two weeks, Beijing has become one of the key diplomatic venues in world politics. First, Donald Trump arrived there, then Putin. Both visits were presented as major events, but in the end, it became clear: neither Washington nor Moscow received everything they expected from Xi Jinping.

For Ukraine, this is an important signal. China continues to talk about a ‘political settlement’ and a ‘constructive role,’ but does not call Russia’s war against Ukraine a war. In official Chinese rhetoric, it remains a ‘crisis,’ and in the joint formulations of Beijing and Moscow, the thesis about the need to eliminate ‘root causes’ is heard again.

This phrase is particularly important. The Kremlin uses it as a diplomatic cover for old demands: recognition of spheres of influence, pressure on Ukraine, limitation of its sovereignty, and the actual consolidation of the results of aggression. China does not repeat all Russian theses verbatim, but it also does not create real pressure on Moscow.

Macron warns Europe

French President Emmanuel Macron, during his visit to Greece at the end of April, said that Europe is experiencing a moment when the US president, the Russian ruler, and the Chinese leader are effectively acting against European interests. According to him, this is a time when Europe needs to finally wake up.

Paris, meanwhile, continues to maintain a dialogue channel with Beijing, hoping that China can send signals to Moscow about the need to end the war. But the problem is that Beijing does not seem interested in really forcing Putin to peace.

For Israel, this plot is not distant. If China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea are acting more closely, then the consequences of such a connection are felt not only in Kyiv or Brussels but also in the Middle East.

Doubts in US guarantees: Taiwan, NATO, and a worrying signal to allies

One of the main topics of Xi’s talks with Trump was Taiwan. For Beijing, this is a fundamental issue, especially against the backdrop of the American arms package for Taipei worth $14 billion, agreed upon in December 2025.

After visiting China, Trump effectively questioned not only the already approved defense support for Taiwan but also the US’s willingness to defend the island in case of an attack from mainland China. His words that America would have to ‘overcome 9500 miles’ to fight for Taiwan sounded like a signal to several capitals.

In Beijing, such statements are heard very attentively. In Moscow — too.

If Washington pauses aid to Taiwan, it hits the very idea of the reliability of American guarantees. For Europe, Ukraine, and Israel, the question is no longer just about Taiwan. The question is how firm the US commitments to allies remain at a time when the world is entering a new phase of power pressure.

Europe must defend itself

Meanwhile, the US continues to change its approach to European security. Even statements about additional American troops in Poland do not cancel the general line: conventional defense of Europe is increasingly seen as a task for Europe itself, and the US is ready to leave mainly nuclear deterrence.

This logic was previously voiced by Deputy Secretary of Defense Elbridge Colby, effectively questioning the traditional reading of NATO’s Article 5 on collective defense.

Against this backdrop, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte calls for preparing for further reductions in the American military presence in Europe. At the same time, the idea of buying more weapons from American companies is being discussed to keep Washington within the alliance. But many European countries want something else: to develop their own defense industry and reduce dependence on the US.

For the Ukrainian front, this means one thing: Europe must quickly move from statements to production, logistics, and long-term military solutions.

The Iranian factor, US weakness, and benefits for Moscow and Beijing

A separate line is the war in the Middle East and the role of Iran. According to American experts, US arms stocks were already under serious pressure even before the new escalation around Iran. The production of JASSM missiles, Tomahawks, and interceptors for Patriot can take years.

This creates a strategic problem. It is difficult for the US to simultaneously maintain tension in the Indo-Pacific region, support Europe, help Ukraine, and conduct a long campaign against Iran. Moscow and Beijing understand this.

Russia and China are helping Iran restore its military potential, and Iran itself remains a direct threat to both Israel and regional stability. Cheap strike drones, massive attacks, pressure on energy routes, and blocking the Strait of Hormuz show how expensive Western defense has become and how dangerous the cooperation of authoritarian regimes is.

That is why NANews — Israel News Nikk.Agency considers this story not only as a Ukrainian-European plot. For the Israeli audience, the entire chain is important: the Russian war against Ukraine, Chinese support for Moscow, the Iranian threat in the Middle East, and US fluctuations in ally security issues.

Putin did not get the pipeline, but kept the main thing

Putin’s visit to China also did not bring him complete success. Beijing again did not agree to the construction of the ‘Power of Siberia-2’ pipeline, which could help Russia compensate for the loss of the European gas market.

The design capacity of the pipe is estimated at about 50 billion cubic meters of gas per year. For Moscow, this would be a strategic lifeline. But China is in no hurry to pay for Russian desires and demands prices close to domestic Russian ones.

However, this visit cannot be called a failure. Putin maintained the status quo.

China remains Russia’s main economic rear, helps bypass Western sanctions, and maintains channels for the supply of dual-use goods. These channels are especially important for the Russian defense industry.

The main thing is that Beijing does not intend to pressure Moscow to ceasefire. If China really wanted to sharply change the situation, it could limit the export of critically important components and technologies. But there is no such decision.

Why Xi will not save Ukraine at the expense of pressuring Moscow

In the Trump administration, according to analysts, the idea remains that the US should be more of a mediator than a party that harshly pressures Russia. In this logic, Ukraine should make concessions, and Moscow can supposedly be torn away from China.

But this scheme looks weak. Russia is already deeply integrated into the anti-Western bloc, where China, Iran, and North Korea are next to it. The attempt to ‘tear’ Moscow away from Beijing at the cost of Ukrainian territorial concessions may turn out to be not a diplomatic maneuver, but a strategic mistake.

Especially since global energy instability works in Russia’s favor. If the Strait of Hormuz remains under pressure, if US allies pay the price for the crisis, if Washington is forced to soften certain sanction approaches to Russian oil, the Kremlin receives additional resources to continue the war.

Xi Jinping sees this. And therefore, he has no obvious incentive to force Putin to stop.

What remains for Europe

Europe has levers of influence on China, but they will have to be used more harshly. France is already warning Beijing that the destruction of European industry through unfair competition will ultimately hit China’s own access to the European market.

The European Commission is promoting ‘Made in Europe’ rules to protect jobs and reduce dependence on cheap Chinese imports. China, in response, threatens retaliatory measures, not offering a compromise.

This is the new reality. China is not going to voluntarily become a guarantor of a fair world for Ukraine. The US under Trump demonstrates unpredictability. Russia continues the war. Iran increases regional pressure. Europe is forced to grow up faster than it wanted.

For Israel, the conclusion is also obvious: in a world where allied guarantees become less automatic, security cannot be built only on promises. It is necessary to look at chains of interests, at the real actions of states, and at who, at a critical moment, helps the aggressor not with words, but with technologies, money, and time.

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

On November 4, 1995, an event occurred that shocked all of Israel. The assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin became one of the most tragic moments in the modern history of the country and influenced its internal and external political processes.

Yitzhak Rabin had connections with Ukrainewhich go back to his family. Rabin was born in Jerusalem, but his ancestors came from Ukraine. His grandfather, Menachim Rabichov, was born in the village Sidorovichi, located in the Kyiv region. Rabin often referred to his Ukrainian roots in the context of Jewish diaspora and cultural identity.

In Odessa the street is named after Yitzhak Rabin.

We have already written about Rabin’s Ukrainian roots – “In the Ukrainian village where Yitzhak Rabin’s father was born, Putin’s soldiers looted the Israeli flag from the library, donated to the village by the state of Israel.”.

In September 1995, Yitzhak Rabin paid an official visit to Ukraine and met with President of Ukraine Leonid Kuchma.

IN joint statement was, “The Israeli side recognized that the existence of an independent and sovereign Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders is an important factor for strengthening stability in Europe and meets the interests of the entire international society”.

Yitzhak Rabin then addressed the public and the Jewish diaspora of Ukraine in the Kiev district of Nivki, on the territory belonging to the Jewish organization Sokhnut.

This was the last foreign trip of the Israeli politician and head of government.. Upon returning from Kyiv, on November 9, 1995, Yitzhak Rabin was shot dead in Tel Aviv Yigal Amirwho took revenge for the “peace agreements with Palestine.”

Communication between Israel and the Sidorovichs has resumed in 2011when, on the initiative of the head of the Limmud educational project, Chaim Chesler, in the village a memorial plaque was installed in honor of Nehemia Rabichev and his children.

The opening ceremony was attended by Nehemiah’s grandson and Yitzhak’s son Yuval Rabin.

“My father, like me, are natives of Israel. But in our family there were echoes of the place where my grandfather was born. For example, my father was very fond of Ukrainian borscht and dumplings. It’s very touching for me to visit my grandfather’s homeland – I’ve returned to my roots,” Yuval Rabin told the press in those days.

An Israeli flag was placed next to the memorial sign, and books about Israel and works of Jewish literature were donated to the village library at the local House of Culture.

The House of Culture planned to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the birth of Yitzhak Rabin on March 1, 2022. But this was not destined to happen. Five days before this date, on February 24, 2022, Russian troops invaded Ukraine.

The village was on the way of the invaders on the way to Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine. Having passed through the Chernobyl zone, Russian soldiers already entered Sidorovichi on February 25. 35 days of brutal occupation began.

Characteristic moment: Russian soldiers stole more than just washing machines before retreating from the village from the homes of civilians.

Putin’s soldiers stole the Israeli flag from the library, donated to the village during the opening of the memorial plaque. More details – https://nikk.agency/soldaty-putina-smarodjorili/

Let’s think about the symbolism of this action: Russian soldiers take away the Israeli flag as a trophy from a Ukrainian village.

When the history of the village of Sidorovichi became known Ambassador of Israel to Ukraine Michael Brodskyhis reaction was immediate. On behalf of the ambassador, an Israeli flag was delivered to the village – instead of the flag that was stolen by the Russian occupiers; medicine was also delivered.

The liberated Ukrainian village that gave Israel such prominent figures now has an Israeli flag again.

Political career and peace efforts

Rabin began his career at the Palmach, which became the basis for the Israel Defense Forces. In 1948, during the War of Independence, he showed outstanding leadership qualities, which helped him take the post of Chief of the General Staff in 1967, during the Six Day War.

Rabin was first elected prime minister in 1974, but his first reign was hampered by an economic crisis and internal conflicts. In 1992, Rabin again headed the government and began the process of peacefully resolving the conflict with the Palestinians. He became a symbol of hope for peace by signing the Oslo Accords in 1993, which recognized the existence of Israel and the PLO.

Rabin, Arafat and Shimon Peres were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1994 for their efforts to peacefully resolve the conflict. These agreements were the first step towards more stable relations between Israelis and Palestinians, but caused bitter disputes and divisions in Israeli society. Rabin was criticized for negotiating with “enemies” and became a target of far-right groups.

Murder and its consequences

Rabin’s assassination occurred after he spoke at a rally in support of the peace process. Yigal Amir, a far-right extremist, shot and killed Rabin, claiming that he was defending Israel from its peace accords. The killing came as a shock to the country and the world, sparking widespread protests and expressions of grief among Israelis.

Immediately after his death, the square where the murder took place became a place of mourning. People lit candles, left flowers and wrote graffiti on the walls. Tel Aviv Mayor Roni Milo announced the renaming of Kings of Israel Square to Yitzhak Rabin Square. This event marked a turning point in Israel’s history and changed the way the world viewed itself.

Memory of Rabin

Rabin left a legacy that lives on in Israeli memory. Many institutions bear his name, including schools, avenues and monuments. The Rabin Heritage Center was built in Tel Aviv to house documents and artifacts related to his life and work.

Knesset cancels Rabin memorial ceremonies at family request: ‘Now is not the time’

For the first time in 2024, the Knesset will not hold a special meeting dedicated to the anniversary of the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin. Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana said Rabin’s family had asked the Knesset not to hold any ceremonies this year because of the war. This year, ceremonies in memory of Rabin were supposed to take place on November 13. This is the day of the assassination of the Prime Minister according to the Jewish calendar.

Rabin’s daughter Dalia sent a letter to the Speaker, President Herzog and Prime Minister Netanyahu calling for the cancellation of events marking the anniversary of her father’s assassination.

“Israel is now dealing with serious challenges and threats that have befallen it since October 7. Since the war has dragged on and there is a risk of its expansion, I believe that now is not the time to hold large ceremonies. It will be enough to honor the memory of Yitzhak Rabin with restraint,” wrote Dalia Rabin-Philozof.

Conclusion

The assassination of Yitzhak Rabin was not only a tragedy for Israel, but also a symbol of hope for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. His legacy continues to inspire new generations of Israelis to seek paths to peace and reconciliation. It is necessary to remember this tragedy and its consequences in order to avoid history repeating itself.

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

September 22, 1939 an event took place that they still try not to remember in Russia – a joint parade of Nazis and communists in Brest. It was a symbol of cooperation between two totalitarian regimes, which became a dark spot in the history of World War II.

It is especially important to realize that the alliance between the USSR and Nazi Germany in 1939 also contributed to one of the worst tragedies of the 20th century: HolocaustThe Nazis used the resources they received from the Soviet Union to wage war and establish control over territories where they would later begin the extermination of millions of Jews, Roma and other minorities.

The parade in Brest symbolized the victory over Poland, a country in which about 3 million Jews. This parade was just one of the scenes preceding the tragedy, when German troops would later occupy Polish territories and set up a system of concentration camps there, including Auschwitz And TreblinkaPoland itself, divided and oppressed by two regimes, witnessed the mass extermination of its citizens.

The Soviet Union, collaborating with the Nazis in the early years of the war, turned a blind eye to the repressions against Jews and other minorities. Moreover, after the war ended, it actively hushed up the Holocaust, promoting the version that the victims of the war were exclusively Soviet citizens, thereby ignoring the scale of the Nazi genocide.

Today, when some countries try to deny or distort historical facts, such as the Holocaust or the Soviet-Nazi alliance, it is important to remember the lessons of the Brest parade. Totalitarian regimes, if not stopped in time, can lead to irreversible tragedies, and cooperation for short-term gain can lead to large-scale catastrophes, as happened in 1939.

Meeting on the Bug

September 1, 1939 Nazi Germany invaded Poland, starting World War II. Seventeen days later, under the pretext of defending “blood brothers,” the Soviet Union joined the aggression. About 30-50% of the defenders of Brest were Ukrainians and Belarusians, who fought to the last, but soon both armies captured the city.

According to the secret protocol of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Brest was given to the USSR. However, before the German troops were to leave the city, the two regimes decided to demonstrate their brotherhood to the public by staging a joint parade – a parade that was to become a symbol of the alliance.

Friendship Parade

On September 22, 1939, at 2:00 p.m., in front of the flagpole with the Nazi flag, the commanders of the Wehrmacht and the Red Army, General Guderian And Brigade Commander Krivosheincame out onto the wooden platform. The procession began with the passage of German equipment, followed by Soviet equipment.

After the parade, the command of the two armies held a banquet. Toasts to the health of Hitler and Stalin were loudly sung, and soldiers from both sides fraternized, smoked cigarettes and drank beer. They were united by the joy of the joint partition of Poland. The Nazi flag was replaced by the Soviet one, as a symbol of the new government.

However, the Germans did not leave for long. After just two years, June 29, 1941Brest was again captured by the Nazis, becoming a symbol that this “union” was temporary, and the friendship put on display concealed preparations for future betrayals.

The Forgotten Truth

Soviet historiography carefully avoids mentioning collaboration with the Nazis from 1939 to 1941. After all, the USSR not only became an accomplice in unleashing World War II, but also actively helped Nazi Germany, supplying it with oil, copper, grain and timber in huge quantities. During this period, the Soviet Union handed over to the Nazis 856 thousand tons of oil, 14 thousand tons of copper, 1.4 million tons of grain and more than a million tons of timber.

Parade or march?

The facts of the meeting of Soviet and Nazi troops are not in doubt, but there is disagreement over what to call this event – a parade or a march. Historian Alexander Dyukov insists that it was a “routine march” because military formalities were not observed. However, it is clear that it was a military show, demonstrating the alliance of two totalitarian regimes who wanted to show the world that they were acting in concert.

Brest historian Vasily Sarichev states: “If this is officially recognized as a parade, then this will be a sanctioned recognition that Hitler and Stalin, the Wehrmacht and the Red Army, acted together, demonstrating their unity.”

Propaganda campaign

Soviet propaganda always tried to hush up or distort the events of September 22, 1939. In Germany itself, this parade was actively filmed by Nazi propagandists, making it a show for the domestic audience and a message for the West, especially for England and FranceThe moment when Nazi and Soviet troops marched together was supposed to be a clear signal: “We are allies.” However, the Soviet side preferred to call it a “ceremonial procession” or ignore the event altogether.

Yuri Tsurganoveditor-in-chief of the magazine “Posev”, emphasizes: “Modern Russian propaganda is trying to erase this episode from memory, because it destroys their myth about the Great Patriotic War, where the USSR is depicted as a liberator and a victim of aggression.”

Poland – a victim of two tyrannies

For Poland, the events of September 22 are just one episode in a series of tragedies that began with the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. According to Andrzej Nowakprofessor at the Jagiellonian University, “September 17, 1939 is the day when the USSR stabbed the Polish army in the back, becoming an accomplice in the destruction of Poland.” This blow became the final step on the path to the liquidation of the Polish state.

Projection onto today’s realities: the union of two regimes

When one recalls the joint parade of Nazis and Soviets in Brest, one cannot help but see parallels with contemporary world events. Today, many authoritarian regimes, like those led by Hitler and Stalin, are seeking allies to consolidate their power and suppress freedom in other countries. These new coalitions, as in the past, are based on implicit support for totalitarianism, with the suppression of human rights and the destruction of democratic values ​​becoming a common goal.

In the 21st century, for example, Russia has close ties with countries such as Iran, China, and North Korea. These regimes, supporting each other, oppose Western democracies, seeking global influence through confrontation and destabilization of the international order. Russia, like the USSR in the past, is again playing a double game, participating in international conflicts, supporting authoritarian regimes, and interfering in the affairs of other states.

Iranwith its nuclear ambitions and anti-Semitic rhetoric, is similar to the Nazi regime in its aims and methods, while receiving support from Russia in the form of weapons and political support. Russia, unleashing a full-scale war in Ukraine and seeking geopolitical expansion, once again finds itself in the role of an aggressor, as in 1939. The parallels between how the USSR helped Germany then and how Russia now supports terrorist organizations and authoritarian regimes are obvious.

Modern parallels and the role of the international community

The parade in Brest is not just a historical fact, it is a warning that any alliances built on violence and suppression will sooner or later lead to disaster. The international community should not turn a blind eye to the emerging alliances of totalitarian regimes, as was the case in 1939. Every step, every concession to aggressors and dictators leads to new wars and new genocides.

Ukraine, which is now at the forefront of the fight for its independence, understands this lesson better than anyone. That is why it is fighting not only for its freedom, but also to ensure that the world does not repeat the mistakes of the past. Totalitarian regimes always seek allies to strengthen their influence, but it is international support for democracies, the alliance of Israel, Ukraine and the Western world that must become a bulwark against resurgent threats.

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Syria participated in foreign exercises for the first time after Assad

Syrian military took part in the international exercises EFES-2026 in Turkey — this became a significant signal for the entire region after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024.

The exercises took place in the Izmir area, including the Gulf of Izmir and the Doganbey range. According to Turkish and regional sources, representatives from about 50 countries participated, including NATO members — the USA, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and other states. In total, more than 10,000 military personnel were involved, about 1,305 of whom were from Turkey’s partner and allied countries.

For Damascus, this is not just a military episode. It is the first appearance of the Syrian army on a major foreign platform of this level after the change of power and the beginning of the restructuring of security institutions.

What exactly did the Syrian military do

According to Janes, Syria sent a small group to EFES-2026: 20 military personnel and 11 observers. They participated in elements of air assault training and sniper shooting. Other reports also mention armored maneuvers, but this detail more often appears through secondary sources, so it is more accurate to present it as part of reports on the program rather than as a definitively confirmed fact.

SANA wrote that Syrian participation is related to the Ministry of Defense’s desire to gain experience in joint exercises, study coordination methods, training organization, and modern approaches to army operations in a multi-level combat environment.

Chief of the Syrian General Staff arrived in Turkey

The event was given additional political weight by the arrival of the Chief of the General Staff of the Syrian army, Major General Ali al-Naasan. According to SANA, he arrived in Turkey on May 20, 2026, along with a group of officers and met with the Chief of the General Staff of the Turkish army, Selcuk Bayraktaroglu.

The visit was related not only to observing the final phase of EFES-2026 but also to demonstrating a new level of military contact between Ankara and Damascus.

Why this is important for Ankara

Turkey is showing that after Assad’s fall, it intends to play a key role in shaping the new Syrian military architecture. Previously, Reuters reported that Turkish-Syrian military cooperation already includes training, consultations, technical support, and the use of Turkish infrastructure for training Syrian military personnel.

For Ankara, this is part of a broader strategy: controlling the northern Syrian direction, exerting pressure on Kurdish forces, limiting Iranian influence, and establishing Turkey as the main external partner of the new Syrian government.

What this means for Israel

For Israel, Syria’s participation in EFES-2026 is not an ordinary piece of military news. It concerns a country that, after many years of war, Iranian influence, and internal collapse, is trying to rebuild its army, gain international legitimacy, and integrate into new regional formats.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views this episode primarily through an Israeli lens: if the new Syrian army strengthens under Turkish patronage, it could change the balance in the northern direction, including the Golan Heights, Lebanon, the Kurdish factor, and the residual influence of Iran.

At the same time, it should not be hastily concluded that Syria has already become a full-fledged military partner of NATO. Formally, it is about participation in Turkish international exercises, where NATO armies, partner states, and new regional players were present. But the very fact of Syrian military presence on such a platform shows: Damascus is no longer as isolated as it was under the previous regime.

New Syria seeks a place between Turkey, the West, and the region

After the fall of Assad’s regime, Syria under the leadership of Ahmed al-Sharaa is gradually returning to international formats. Reuters has already reported on the expansion of Syria’s contacts with the G7 and the partial revision of sanctions policy regarding new Syrian institutions.

Against this backdrop, EFES-2026 looks like a military symbol of the same trend: the new Syrian government is trying to show that it can be not only an object of crisis but also a participant in regional security.

For Israel, the main question remains open: will this restructuring of Syria become a factor of stabilization on the northern borders or, over time, create a new, more organized, and less predictable challenge.

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Ukraine is looking for workers, Israel shows a model: migrants cover only 0.1% of market needs - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

Trump promises a finale with Iran: deadline, Pakistan, and a deal that is not yet in place - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

The Kishinev pogrom: In 1903, the central authorities in Russia wanted Jewish blood to be shed, and that is exactly what happened. - June 5, 2026 - Новости Израиля

In our section “Jews from Ukraine,” we will tell the story of the heroic act of Yuri Lifshits, a Kyiv native who stopped the “death train” heading to Auschwitz and saved over 100 Jews. His story is an example of heroism and courage that continues to inspire people to fight against injustice.

On April 19, 1943, an event took place in the Belgian Resistance that became a true act of heroism and a symbol of resistance to the Nazi regime.

It was the day when Yuri Lifshits, along with two companions — Robert Mestriaux and Jean Francklemont — attacked a train carrying over 1600 Jews from the transit camp Mechelen to Auschwitz. Using minimal resources — one pistol and breaking tools — they managed to stop the train and free the prisoners. This heroic act became the first and only case of a mass escape from the “death train” during World War II.

Details of the operation: “Attack on the 20th convoy”

On April 19, 1943, Yuri Lifshits, armed with only a pistol, organized the attack on the 20th convoy that was transporting prisoners to Auschwitz. Lifshits and his two companions — Robert Mestriaux and Jean Francklemont — managed to stop the train with the help of their tools and pistol. Despite the lack of weapons and the numerical superiority of the enemy, they acted decisively.

“The 20th convoy”, also known as “Train No. XX” (fr. Vingtième convoi), was a train that transported deportees from Belgium, occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II.

The reason for the operation was the testimony of William Herskovitz, an Auschwitz prisoner who managed to escape from the camp and, after reaching Antwerp, contacted the Belgian Resistance. Herskovitz’s account is one of the earliest testimonies of Auschwitz’s atrocities.

On April 19, 1943, The 20th convoy left the transit camp Mechelen, carrying 1631 Jews, including men, women, and children. For this transport, not regular passenger cars were used, but freight cars with windows covered in barbed wire. Additionally, there was a special car (Sonderwagen) in the convoy, carrying 19 people — 18 men and one woman. These people were members of the Resistance and escapees from previous transports. To ensure their immediate destruction upon arrival at Auschwitz, their clothing was marked with a red cross. However, three of these prisoners managed to escape, and the fourth was shot on the spot.

At the same time, a group of young people from the Belgian Resistance, including Yuri Lifshits, a Jewish doctor from Kyiv, and his friends — Robert Mestriaux and Jean Francklemont — armed with one pistol and an improvised red lantern, managed to stop the train between the municipalities of Bortmeerbeek and Haacht on the Mechelen — Leuven route. Despite the presence of one officer and fifteen soldiers from the Sicherheitspolizei (SiPo-SD), they managed to open one of the wagons and free 17 people.

Some other prisoners escaped without the help of the Resistance. The train driver, Albert Dumon, assisted the escapees by trying to move as slowly as possible between Tienen and Tongeren, stopping whenever possible, allowing people to jump off the train and avoid fatal consequences.

As a result, 233 people escaped from the train. However, 89 were caught and sent on later trains, 26 people were killed or died while falling from the train. Only 118 survived, hiding in Belgian families until the end of the war. The youngest of the escapees was just 11 years old — Simon Gronowski. Also among those saved was Regina Krochmal, an 18-year-old Resistance nurse who cut the wooden bars before the train’s air vent and jumped out of the train.

On April 22, 1943, the train arrived at Auschwitz, where the selection took place. Of the 521 people left for work, only 150 survived to the end of the war. The remaining 874 prisoners were immediately killed in gas chambers. Among the women, 70% were killed immediately, and the others were used for medical experiments.

Due to the escape from the train, many prisoners died upon arrival at the camp, which became one of the most tragic consequences of this operation.

Yuri Lifshits: The Resistance Hero Who Saved Hundreds of Lives

Yuri Solomоновich Lifshits (September 30, 1917, Kyiv, Ukraine — February 17, 1944, Schaerbeek, Belgium) was a Jewish doctor, a fighter in the Belgian Resistance, who became famous for his heroic act that saved the lives of over 100 Jews and went down in history as one of the heroes of the fight against the Nazi regime.

Yuri Lifshits was born in Kyiv in a Jewish family. His father was a military doctor serving in the Russian army, and his mother came from a wealthy family of Kishinev Jews. She received an education at Sorbonne and worked as a teacher. The Lifshits family often moved, giving Yuri the opportunity to experience different cultures and languages. In 1928, the family moved to Munich, and later — to Kyiv.

When Yuri was 11, his parents divorced, and his mother, with two sons, moved to Belgium, to the city of Charleroi. Yuri continued his education in Belgium, enrolling in the medical university of Brussels, where he became a student of the medical faculty.

Yuri Lifshits continued his education in Brussels, where he successfully graduated from the medical faculty. In 1940, after the capitulation of Belgium to Nazi Germany, the country began a harsh occupation. The Nazi authorities introduced numerous anti-Semitic laws, including a ban on Jews working in medical institutions. However, despite these restrictions, Yuri did not stop his work in the medical field.

After the occupation, Yuri Lifshits began working at the Saint-Pierre Hospital in Brussels, where he saved many people despite the threat of arrest. In the same year, Yuri joined the Belgian Resistance, realizing that the Nazis were preparing the “final solution to the Jewish question.”

In 1942, when the Nazis began to deport Jews to concentration camps, Yuri Lifshits realized that to save Jews in Belgium, decisive action was needed. He joined the anti-fascist Resistance group, preparing actions to save Jews. Yuri understood that time was running out, and every action could be decisive for the fate of many people.

His knowledge of medicine, courage, and determination led him to participate in one of the most famous operations of the Belgian Resistance.

Arrest and Execution of Yuri Lifshits

After a successful operation, Yuri Lifshits was arrested by the Gestapo on May 14, 1943, but managed to escape using trickery. However, two months later, on June 26, 1943, he was caught again. Yuri was subjected to brutal torture and, despite everything, refused to wear a blindfold before execution.

On February 17, 1944, Yuri Lifshits was executed by firing squad in Schaerbeek, near Brussels.

Memorial to Yuri Lifshits

The memory of Yuri Lifshits and his comrades’ heroic act was immortalized in Belgium. In 1993, a monument was erected in Brussels, dedicated to his heroic act and the memory of all Holocaust victims. In 2023, a Holocaust memorial was also opened in Brussels, where the names of Resistance heroes, including Lifshits, are commemorated.

Why is Yuri Lifshits’ Heroic Act So Important?

The heroic act of Yuri Lifshits became an example of courage and resistance to Nazism. His actions saved over 116 lives, and his example inspires the fight against injustice. His act reminds us that even a small group of people acting at a decisive moment can change the course of history and save many lives. It is important to remember such acts of heroism so that they are never forgotten.

Yuri Lifshits and His Role in the History of Ukraine and Israel

The heroic act of Yuri Lifshits became significant not only for Belgium and the Jewish community, but also for Ukraine and Israel. This Kyiv native became a symbol of the fight for freedom and justice, and his act became an important part of the historical memory of two peoples — Ukrainian and Jewish.

On the platform of NAnews – Israel and Ukraine news, we continue to highlight such important events and remind about the heroism of people who fought for a bright future despite enormous threats.

In our section «Jews from Ukraine», we remember not only the heroic act of Yuri Lifshits, but also his key role in history, reminding us of the significance of each act of resistance in the fight against Nazism. His heroism will remain in the memory of those who fought for life and freedom, despite all obstacles.

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On May 18, 2026, the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine announced the opening of the first higher Jewish religious educational institution in independent Ukraine. The new yeshiva was built in Anatevka — a Jewish ‘miracle town’ that, since the beginning of the great war, has become not only a place of help and refuge but also a symbol of the continuation of Jewish life in Ukraine.

For Israel, this news resonates particularly strongly. It is not just about a building, a campus, or an educational project. It is a story of how the Jewish community of Ukraine, living under the threat of Russian attacks, is not limited to survival but is creating infrastructure for the future — for Torah, education, spiritual leadership, and generational connection.

A yeshiva laid under the sounds of war

According to the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, the construction of this project was a ‘great miracle.’ The first stone of the future yeshiva was laid at the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion when columns of Russian tanks were moving towards Kyiv, and artillery and missile strikes were unceasing.

At that moment, as the rabbi recalls, no one could know if the residents of Anatevka would survive and if the community itself could continue to exist in its previous form. But it was then, together with the residents and refugees of Anatevka, that the decision was made to start construction.

Why this became a spiritual act of resistance

For Jewish tradition, studying the Torah is not just education. It is the foundation of spiritual protection, community strength, and its internal resilience.

The Chief Rabbi of Ukraine emphasized that in difficult times, the constant study of the Torah, the fulfillment of commandments, and service to the Almighty acquire special significance for the blessing, spiritual strength, and protection of Ukraine.

This formulation is important for the Israeli audience as well. It does not sound like a political declaration but a religious logic: when the usual security collapses around, the community responds not with fear but by building a place where future rabbis, teachers, and spiritual leaders will learn.

What was built in Anatevka

The new yeshiva complex is created in a modern style and, according to the organizers, is equipped to high standards. It is not a temporary facility or a symbolic classroom but a full-fledged educational center designed for long-term operation.

The building has spacious study halls, comfortable dormitories, a large kosher kitchen, a dining room, a library, recreation areas, and a swimming pool.

A particular detail that especially shows the Ukrainian reality of 2026 is the presence of a reliable shelter. Students will be able to continue their studies even during shelling and air raids.

An educational institution for children from different European countries

According to the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, children from all over Europe will study in the new yeshiva. This turns the project into an international Jewish educational center, not just an internal initiative of the Ukrainian community.

For the Jewish world, such a step has a separate significance. Ukraine, despite the war, remains a place where Jewish religious life is preserved and developed. This is especially noticeable against the backdrop of destruction, migration, loss of homes, and the constant threat from Russia.

That is why NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers the opening of the yeshiva in Anatevka not only as news of the Jewish community of Ukraine but also as an important signal for Israel: the connection between the Ukrainian and Jewish people today is manifested not only in the memory of the past but also in the joint construction of the future.

Who attended the opening and why it is important

The opening was attended by representatives of Ukraine’s top leadership, chief rabbis of Ukrainian cities, and spiritual leaders from different countries around the world.

Such a composition of guests shows that the project in Anatevka is perceived more broadly than a local initiative. It has become an event at the intersection of religious, social, and state agendas.

Jewish life in Ukraine has not stopped

The main message of the rabbi’s statement is crystal clear: despite the war and all difficulties, the Jewish community of Ukraine not only preserves its life but also builds its future.

A special emphasis was placed on peace, friendship, and mutual respect with the Ukrainian people. For the Israeli reader, this is an important detail because Ukrainian-Jewish relations are often discussed through the tragic pages of history. Anatevka shows another side — lively, modern, and creative.

The opening of the yeshiva in such a context becomes not just an educational event. It is a response to war, attempts at destruction, and the pressure of fear. Where the enemy would like to see emptiness, a study hall appears. Where people might only think of fleeing, a place for future generations is being built.

What this project means for Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish world

The new yeshiva in Anatevka can become a center from which future rabbis, teachers, and spiritual leaders will emerge. They will carry the Jewish tradition, help communities, teach children, and maintain the connection between generations.

For Ukraine, it is a sign that Jewish life remains part of its social fabric even during the war.

For Israel — a reminder that Jewish communities outside the country continue to need attention, solidarity, and respect. Especially where they live near the front, help refugees, and simultaneously continue to educate children.

And for the entire Jewish world, Anatevka today sounds like a symbol: even under rockets, one can build not only shelters but also schools, not only save the present but also invest in the spiritual future.

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